This Issue Of Cosmetic Surgery Sociology Essay Example
This Issue Of Cosmetic Surgery Sociology Essay Example

This Issue Of Cosmetic Surgery Sociology Essay Example

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  • Pages: 28 (7486 words)
  • Published: July 18, 2017
  • Type: Research Paper
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In recent old ages, the popularity of decorative surgery has escalated significantly. Harmonizing to the American Society of Plastic Surgeons, in 2008, some 12 million decorative processs, most of which were minimally invasive, were performed in the United States entirely. As Dutta ( 2008 ) cited in Swami et Al ( 2012, p. 55 ) claims, this state of affairs is non merely found in North America, but besides for case in Europe which has presently become the second-largest market for decorative surgery.

Concerned with the care or sweetening of physical visual aspect ( Swami et al, 2012, p. 55 ) , decorative surgery is an invasive physical pattern, offering people an chance to modify their organic structure ( Lirola and Chovanec, 2002 ) . Through discourse of decorative surgery, chiefly influe


nced by the media, which as Lirola and Chovanec, ( 2002, p. 488 ) claim " both constructs the demand for such a pattern every bit good as legitimizes it '' , more people are going progressively willing to undergo such pattern. Among these people and harmonizing to ASPS statistics ( 2009a, as cited in Swami et Al, 2012, p.55 ) the huge bulk of decorative surgery patients are immature adult females.

Boseley ( 2012 ) studies that 6 in 10 ( 63 % ) 16 to 24 twelvemonth olds were ready to undergo decorative surgery to guarantee feeling better about their visual aspect. It has become a wont that decorative surgery intercessions are besides being given from parents to their teenage girls as birthday or graduation nowadayss with chest implants being the most favorite ( Gilman, 1999 ) . This is because media and vicariou

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experiences are advancing unrealistic beauty ideals which are in bend influencing immature people 's attitudes towards their ain expressions. Because of this, "decorative surgery needs to be seen as an of import societal pattern because it merges the attending given to the organic structure by an single individual with the values and precedences of the consumer society '' ( Lirola and Chovanec, 2002 ) .

Personal Position

This issue of decorative surgery has ever fascinated me. Sing in-between aged and even older people paying good money to rejuvenate their expressions, has become a common scenario. However, decorative surgery done by immature people who are still in their premier, ever fascinated me to a much larger extent. I was ever funny to happen out why these immature people decide to choose for surgery. While turning up as a adolescent and even to this twenty-four hours that I am now a instructor, young person worker and a female parent, even I were and still am cognizant of things which I do non like in my visual aspect.

However, it ne'er occurred to me that I should travel for decorative surgery or when it did, it was merely a idea which rapidly passed. This wonder is what led me to carry on this survey. When does one cross the line and make up one's mind to choose for the surgical hole? Both as a pupil of Youth and Community Studies and in my line of work, I meet a batch of immature people who in my eyes are all beautiful in their ain manner. This is non nevertheless ever in unison with their perceptual experience about their ain ego. Through this

survey I would wish to happen out what it is that truly that makes immature females to undergo decorative surgery. This survey nevertheless will be more interested in the sociological motives since it has a sociological attack. That is why this survey is interested in the interaction between societal histrions. Is society act uponing their manner of thought or are their perceptual experiences and the determinations they take unaffected by the cultural hegemony?

Literature Reappraisal

Introducing the organic structure 

It was merely late that 'the organic structure ' has become one of the chief concerns within sociological theory. Before this clip, the subject of sociology looked at human existences as the 'social histrions ' or the 'social agents ' whose character and behavior depended on their societal location, beliefs and values ( Turner, 1984 ) .

The establishing male parents of sociology viewed the organic structure from different positions. Marx and Engels shared the belief that in order for society to be, the continual reproduction of organic structures was outstanding. They looked at organic structures as both the agencies and the object of human labor. Durkheim believed in the double nature of human existences which he referred to as gay semidetached house. He believed that the basic divisions of organic structure and head led to a 'true hostility ' between our individualism and our spiritualty, which harmonizing to him do it about impossible to of all time be at peace with ourselves as one can non follow both natures, since one is rooted in morality and the other in the desires of the organic structure.

Weber wrote about the rationalisation of organic structures through clip and infinite and the controlling

of emotions. He believed that the more capitalist economy enters in the bureaucratic constructions, the more 'dehumanising ' and 'disenchanted ' the modern single feels, confined in its 'iron coop ' . Simmel wrote about the senses and human emotionalism. He believed that the oculus, out of all the senses, had a distinctively sociological map since the interaction of persons is based upon oculus contact between them ( Williams and Bendelow, 1998 ) .

As Turner ( 1984 ) claims, it is apparent that human existences both have organic structures and are organic structures, which fact makes human existences 'embodied, merely as they are enselved ' ( Turner, 1984, p.1 ) . Recently a batch of surveies have tried to turn to the corporeal being of human existences. However, in malice of challenging findings and better apprehension of the topic, harmonizing to Crossley ( 2001 ) some relentless quandary remain. Pulling from old philosophical theories about the organic structure, it was non easy along the old ages for sociology to get to a nice solution to the philosophical ambiguity of the mind-body dualism.

It was Rene Descartes ( 1596-1650 ) who populating in the Enlightenment epoch was greatly influenced by scientists like Galileo and their modern-day scientific finds. It was a clip when the physical scientific disciplines, as we know them today, were emerging and there was a strong belief that everything could be explained by the Torahs of mechanical causing. With this belief in head, and ever in hunt for the knowing truth, Descartes started to doubt everything that he could non be certain of. He even doubted his really ain senses, reminding himself that he

had sometimes had 'vivid dreams ' ( Crossley, 2001, p.9 ) . However he came to the decision that the lone thing that he could be certain of was that he was believing and hence that was proof plenty of his being. 'Cogito ergo amount ' intending 'I believe therefore I am ' is Descartes most celebrated statement which was the really beginning of the Cartesian duality, i.e. the mind-body dualism.

For Descartes, the individual is the head. He believed that the head is clearly elevated over the organic structure and that the organic structure is 'a non-essential facet of his true nature ' ( Crossley, 2001 ) .It is a common belief that in a clip when everything was reduced to scientific accounts, Descartes, being the spiritual adult male he was, aimed to maintain an component of the religious, giving importance to creativeness and the psyche through the prominence he put on the head.

Many were the bookmans ( Ryle, 1949 ; Merleau-Ponty, 1965 ) who critiqued the Cartesian dualism and exposed the quandary it posited to sociology. As Crossley ( 2001 ) clearly explains in his book The Social Body: Habit, individuality and desire, the mind-brain individuality theoreticians believed that there is no interaction between the organic structure and the head and the fact that both of them move together at the same clip in a overplus of human existences ' mundane activities, led to the strong belief that the head and organic structure are in fact one. Crossley ( 2001 ) argued that sociology could review this theory for being excessively reductionist and for lodging to the Cartesian model it sets out to review.


'The Concept of Mind ' , Gilbert Ryle ( 1949 ) depicts the Cartesian duality as 'the myth of the shade in the machine ' , the shade mentioning to the apparitional nature of the head which is non physical in nature, while the machine refers to the organic structure that does non incorporate any human features, besides described as 'corpse ' or 'meat ' by Leder ( 1998 ) . Ryle ( 1949 ) believed that Descartes committed a 'category mistake ' when he took the head as distinct from the organic structure.

For Ryle, who was a house truster that dualism was incorrect, both organic structure and head must be reconceptualised if we truly are to get the better of dualism He sets the manner to a non-dualistic sociology when he manages to 'exorcise ' Descartes ' shade strongly and convincingly. He wanted to dispute the impression that the head is superior to the organic structure. For Ryle, the head is non a separate thing. He believed that mental life is embodied. Crossley ( 2001 ) gives a elaborate account of how linguistic communication, emotions, consciousness and apprehension are non as many think merely introverted. Ryle 's ( 1949, as cited in Crossley 2001, p.41 ) chief concern was to demo that such 'mental constructs are used by corporal agents in specific contexts of action ' .

Merleau-Ponty ( 1992, as cited in Crossley, 2001 ) , who like Ryle challenged the mind-body dualism, managed to take his work a measure farther. He believed that looking at behavior was outstanding in fade outing this duality. For him all behavior ever had a intent and significance

in the societal universe. Through this he besides brought up the issue of societal bureau. He delved into the nature of perceptual experience and posited that 'desire, emotion, knowledge and perceptual experience are non, purely talking, separate parts of our behavioral life but instead incorporate and reciprocally impacting facets of a individual and consistent construction ( Crossley, 2001, p.89 ) .

Merleau-Ponty sees the organic structure as more than an object yet less than a topic since it both looks for and reacts to significances in diverse mundane state of affairss. This is Merleau-Ponty 's 'sentient and reasonable ' organic structure, presented to us as a organic structure which can touch yet can be touched, can see yet can be seen, can comprehend yet can be perceived. As Crossley ( 1995 ) explains the key is to understand that the percipient and the perceived are " relational existences '' ( ibid, p.46 ) like two sides of a coin, non separate from each other but mutable aspects of one and the same being. Therefore to the inquiry 'What am I? Am I a organic structure or am I a head? ' one can cite McGuire ( 1990, as cited in Williams & A ; Bendelow, 1998 ) when he posits that human existences are `` corporal agents who experience the stuff and societal universe in and through their aware organic structures '' ( p.4 ) . ''My organic structure ' is non something extra to me, it is non something which I, as a discorporate spirit, reflect upon. It is who I am ' . ( Crossley as cited in Martin, 2012 ) .

Switching from sociology

of the organic structure  to  embodied sociology 

Williams & A ; Bendelow ( 2002 ) claim that sociology has shifted from seeing the organic structure as discorporate to giving more importance to a 'lived organic structure ' mentioning to one 's ain experiences of his/her ain organic structure, as him/herself. This gave rise to what is today called corporal sociology, a sort of attack which lets us reflect upon the interconnection of bodily, mental and societal interaction.

Crossley ( 2001 ) posits that the human organic structure does non merely be in itself, but besides for itself. This is the chief ground why societal agents continuously inspect themselves in the mirror and concern about how they are portraying themselves to others. Through a automatic procedure, persons, being embodied existences, turn back onto themselves and work to consequence the alteration they want to see. They turn to excessive exercising, dieting and sometimes travel every bit far as holding their organic structures surgically transformed. This dichotomy of being and holding besides applies to habit doing us `` habitually self-reflexive '' . As corporal existences, it is non merely us who have our organic structures and wonts.

Our organic structures and wonts are besides perceptible to others which mean that we are ne'er `` in complete ownership of ourselves '' ( p. 141 ) because our 'selves ' depend on something beyond our control - the jointly valued signifiers of representation. Crossley claims we merely manage to hold 'ourselves ' by larning to see ourselves from the outside through societal interaction as 'other ' . Our 'embodied ego ' depends on the manner the organic structure that 'I am ' and

'I have ' is positioned in the intersubjective order that consequences from the societal significance of our material visual aspect.

This echoes Cooley ( 1902, as cited in Crossley, 2001 ) when he argues that persons develop their sense of ego `` from the image of our ego which others reflect back to us in interaction '' ( p. 143 ) . Mead 's ( 1967, as cited in Crossley, 2001 ) construct of 'I ' and 'me ' where the `` I ' takes the function of the other as a agency of turning back upon myself, to reflect upon myself as 'me '' ( p. 147 ) is at the root of this construct. It is in this manner that persons develop their construct of ego by moving out the function of the other. The 'I ' and the 'me ' are non in competition with each other for predomination but instead bask 'a temporal and automatic self-relationship of an agent who chases her ain shadow ' ( p. 147 ) . The split between 'I ' and 'me ' is between a sensuous and socialised bodily agent and the image which that agent is able to organize of itself '' ( p. 147 ) .

Mead 's chief accent is about reflexiveness and how the ego ( as I ) becomes witting of itself ( as me ) . By following the function of the other, societal agents are able to size up themselves and this helps them to liberate themselves from self-blindness, which is caused when corporal agents look out upon the universe from their really ain topographic point. In this manner the

positions, values and positions of the 'generalised other ' straight influences what Bourdieu ( 1996 ) calls the person 's habitus, and the 'sedimented temperaments ' that consequence have a direct impact of her sense of 'self ' which unsurprisingly influences her behavior.

This reflexiveness highlights why the homo organic structure, although specific, gendered and one time regarded as fixed, can non today be as easy defined ( Evans, 2002 ) . As Foucault claims there is no  natural '' organic structure ( McNay, 1992 ) . Evans ( 2002 ) believes that the impression of the organic structure is ever accompanied with an already profoundly socialised set of outlooks. Bordo ( 2003 ) confirms this by saying that  civilization 's clasp on the organic structure is a changeless, intimate fact of mundane life '' ( p.17 ) screening that our organic structures, like anything else that is human, are to a great extent influenced by civilization. Feminism, particularly in the work of Judith Butler ( 1990, 1993 ) and Susan Bordo ( 1993 ) has besides questioned the belief that organic structures are biologically given and fixed, and argued that the human organic structure is both culturally and historically specific.

The organic structure as a signifier of individuality

Giddens ( 1991 ) argues that gone are the yearss when traditional stable individualities were derived from one 's place in the societal construction. In this epoch of late modernness efforts to establish individuality on the organic structure has become popular, and therefore society is witnessing a automatic concern with individuality and the organic structure. Shilling ( 1993 ) argued that with the individualization of the organic structure, the

organic structure has become an agent of symbolic value, in Bourdieu 's ( 1996 ) term a beginning of symbolic capital.

Despite this, the work of Bourdieu makes us gain the importance category has for understanding incarnation. Bodies, for Bourdieu, grade category in three chief ways -  through the person 's societal location, the formation of their habitus and the development of their gustatory sensations '' ( Gill et. Al, 2005 p.5 ) . This shows that the direction of the organic structure is polar to position skill and therefore salient to individuality. Skeggs 's ( 1997 ) work on immature, British working category adult females clearly shows this by stressing the ways in which they used the form, titling and design of their organic structures to dispute or even interrupt away from category premises that declared them as inferior ( ibid. ) .

Featherstone ( 1991 ) argues that the organic structure has become to be seen as a vehicle of self-expression, a position supported by consumerism. Attempts to make and retain a 'coherent and feasible ' sense of self-identity are frequently called organic structure undertakings. These are manifested through attending to the organic structure, peculiarly the organic structure 's surface ( Featherstone 1991 ) . This is because in modern-day times the surface of the organic structure has become the chief location where object dealingss are handled, non merely in the person 's individuality formation old ages but besides throughout our whole life ( Blum, 2003 ) .


Literature shows that females are more haunted by these organic structure undertakings, perchance because as Evans ( 2002 ) argues the female organic structure, unlike the male, has

ever been regarded as unstable and ductile. Feminists claim that female organic structures have significantly been more vulnerable to cultural use of the organic structure ( Bordo, 2003 ) .Women are by and large seen as inactive piece work forces as active. In his analogy of work forces and adult females with animate beings and workss severally, Hegel ( 1967, as cited in Bordo, 2003 ) competently represented the dichotomy of male activity and female passiveness.

So powerful and deterministic was this that as Bordo ( 2003 ) writes, when Guttmacher analysed sperm under the microscope for the first clip he refused to depict sperm as 'waiting ' for the egg cell and alternatively portrays them as 'cruising ' , as if they were looking to pick up misss. Despite this nevertheless, classical images in the Holy Bible depict the adult female as a enchantress ( Eve, Salome, Delilah ) as do the more modern-day secular versions in films such as Fatal Attraction. In an epoch where sex sells, literature shows that the adult females 's organic structure has become sexualised, sometimes objectified and at others depicted as a operator. A homogeneous, undefinable ideal of muliebrity invariably requires adult females to go to to the really finest item in manner.

As Bordo ( 2003 ) continues to claim, female organic structures have become 'docile organic structures ' ,  organic structures whose forces and energies are habituated to external ordinance, subjugation, transmutation, betterment '' ( p.166 ) . Although male concern over visual aspect increased significantly during the late seventiess and 1980s, surveies confirm that a immense gender spread still exists. Women seem to be much less appreciative

of their organic structures and show utmost negative appraisals on their distorted bodily perceptual experience ( Goleman, 1985 ) . They besides seem to judge themselves more badly when they realise that they are non conforming to the cultural ideals of beauty. This is going worse as clip goes, since many females continue to be dissatisfied with their organic structure image perceptual experience. It is interesting to observe that in a survey held in 1985, adolescent misss were the group most dissatisfied with their visual aspect ( Bordo, 2003 ) .

Body Image in Adolescent Girls

At the macro degree, the sociocultural position high spots the importance of an visual aspect civilization that honours and shapes cultural ideals of beauty ( Vilhjalmsson et al. , 2012 ) . It is during adolescence that this civilization, represented by the media, household and equals, manages to do striplings internalize these normative beauty ideals ( Jones, Vigfusdottir, & A ; Lee, 2004 ; Thelen & A ; Cormier 1995 ) . As Blum ( 2003 ) explains, striplings obtain their organic structure image wholly from the exterior. The adolescent miss enters the universe uncertain whether her face and organic structure would be consented by those around her.

There are many definitions of organic structure image, a term coined by Paul Schilder in 1935 ( Blum 2003 ) . However it `` is by and large understood as a mental image of one 's organic structure as it appears to others '' ( Featherstone, 2010, p.194 ) . He claims that organic structure image besides changes with clip and infinite. Ferguson ( 1997a, 1997b ) argues that there has been a displacement

from a closed organic structure image in the 19th century to a more unfastened and equivocal sense of organic structure image today ( Featherstone, 2010 ).

This ambiguity relates to another concept- the organic structure scheme, which is more related to the 'felt organic structure ' . While organic structure image is in simpler words the 'look ' 1 has for others, in which the ocular visual aspect is indispensable, organic structure scheme goes deeper than this and involves the non-visual sense of the organic structure. This draws attending to how our senses work together non merely to assist us comprehend the universe around us but besides how we sense and interact with other organic structures in mundane life state of affairss. It goes beyond the 'mirror image ' , concentrating chiefly on organic structure rhetoric which is cardinal of personal appeal, a characteristic which most attracts people 's attending ( ibid. ) .

Despite this nevertheless, immature females are progressively going more concerned about their organic structures and about how to accomplish the ideal criterions of beauty and bodily flawlessness. Armet ( 2008 ) states that this is taking to a body-image crisis in American striplings, with increased Numberss of immature misss enduring from low self-pride, obsessional exercise and disordered feeding. Through the cultural accent put on judging adult females entirely on how they look and how much they conform to criterions of beauty and manner, misss are going more self-critical of their ain organic structure.

They try to give all their energy to hone their outside visual aspect. This is because for the immature female her organic structure is the primary look of her single individuality

'' ( Armet, 2008, p.2 ) which she aims to better by purchasing apparels and other things to farther heighten her exterior surfaces. These issues form a discourse that stresses the importance of the organic structure. The immature female has learned to give precedence to her organic structure 's physical visual aspect since she has come to see her organic structure as her individuality. This leads to deductions in her stripling behavior where `` a pursuit for individuality becomes a battle with her body-image '' ( ibid. ) .

Consumer Culture and Body Image

As Featherstone ( 2010 ) postulates, it is of course understood that consumer civilization is obsessed with the organic structure. We are invariably being bombarded by media images of theoretical accounts, famous persons and other stars demoing off their beautiful, perfect organic structures. They are by and large portrayed as happy and vernal, and basking epicurean milieus. Critics have argued against this sort of egotistic life, indicating out its shallowness and an forsaking of human values. This is because harmonizing to them the concern with organic structure image is frequently unsafe as it creates a recreation from the importance of societal justness and equality. Most of the images used in advertisement, are technologically abused, to the extent that their degree of beauty is frequently unachievable. These images do non merely stand for what there is behind them but what one should draw a bead on to be. These are the images that are doing us compare " who we are non and who we would wish to be '' ( Featherstone, ( 2010, p.197 ) .

These comparings lead us to transformation -presenting the

before and after picture- which is today polar non merely in consumer civilization but is besides one of the cardinal dogmas of Western modernness. Celebrities, media industries and sportspeople are replacing scientists, adventurers and intellectuals turn outing the displacement from the virtuousnesss of consistence and staunchness to a charming and prosecuting visual aspect ( Featherstone, 1982, 2007 ) .

The changeless captivation with famous person life styles made available through overseas telegram, orbiter and the internet support demoing us how they maintain their good expressions and bodily fittingness while get bying with their challenging lives. Even when they fall and have to cover with drugs, alcohol addiction or weight jobs, they are seen as exultant since fittingness governments, diets or gurus put them back on the route to self- betterment ( Featherstone, 2010 ) . This puts force per unit area on persons particularly females who thanks to the media imagery autumn victims to experiencing unhappy with their organic structures, to get down modus operandis sometimes drastic, of self-improvement ( Bordo, 2003 ) .

A new organic structure image gives one a new improved self-image and a more exciting quality of life. Since even position and societal acceptableness has come to depend on expressions it is so of no admiration that today taking utmost attention for one 's visual aspect becomes an duty to self and portrays those who ignore this duty as being flawed.

As Featherstone ( 2010 ) comments, vesture, cosmetics and adornment used to heighten one 's expression become non merely "a constructed visual aspect of what one wants others to see, but besides reflexively they provide an outward image which seeks information in the

returned glimpses of others, for the interior narration of what one feels one should be '' ( p. 198 ) . This is chiefly found in modern-day Western societies, where being a adult female has frequently been referred to as 'a signifier of theater ' ( Sontag, 1978, as cited in Featherstone 2010 ) ) where adult females are invariably 'watching themselves being looked at ' ( Berger, 1973, as cited in Featherstone 2010 ) . Nevertheless beauty has besides become associated with moral goodness.

The organic structure, particularly the face is seen as a contemplation of the ego, through which a individual 's interior character is manifested ( Rivers, 1994 ; Twine, 2002, as cited in Featherstone, 2010 ) . Kuhn ( 1990, as cited in Featherstone, 2010 ) explains nevertheless how cosmetics do non merely do up the adult female but besides the image," capturing both the elegant visual aspect, but besides 'the expression ' which summons up the interior narrative '' ( p. 198 ) . This puts together a narrative, grounds of an corporal individual. Charisma and stardom draws attending to 'presence ' , which is an extra facet to organic structure image. It is something which needs to be felt and works in a different manner to beauty.

It is an experience communicated between organic structures which create affectional resonances, and hence is trusted more than merely an image. This is the affectional organic structure, which contrary to the organic structure image, is a organic structure without a specified image. Here we think about the 'feel good ' feeling sensed via affect. The traveling organic structure presented on telecasting, film and picture

captures a organic structure in procedure. Affect is communicated by non-verbals such as gestures, and facial and organic structure motions. Here, the image has become a procedure where in contrast to the conventional sense of organic structure image, is presented as an affective organic structure which provides extra corporal information.

Consumer civilization is still, nevertheless, invariably inquiring consumers to size up themselves for imperfectnesss, and to mensurate up to ideal organic structures presented in the media ( Featherstone, 1982 ) . This points towards the work of Giddens ( 1991 ) who wrote about a high grade of reflexiveness in late modernness, since these histrions are puting in organic structure undertakings as a agency to heighten their self-identity. This position was criticized for maintaining with the mind-body dualism and for its overemphasis upon the rational pick of those who seek to command their organic structures ( Budgeon, 2003 ; Shilling and Mellor, 1996, as cited in Featherstone, 2010 ) .

But truly and genuinely, is the pick rational, when we are invariably being bombarded by all these force per unit areas to look good, about convinced that this will take us to a better life? The organic structure has become to be seen as salient for a good life, the 'look good: experience good ' transmutation which, thanks to consumer civilization, is portrayed as available for purchase to one and all. It is common belief that organic structure plants will non merely upgrade the organic structure to make social concepts of beauty but are besides pictured to open a full scope of lifestyle chances. Body alterations have nowadays become the agencies to make a beautiful visual aspect

and hence a beautiful ego ( Featherstone, 2010 ) .

Cosmetic Surgery  a brief history

Harmonizing to Albin ( 2006 ) organic structure alterations are defined as alterations made to the organic structure, either self-induced or by the manus of another, that result in lasting changes seeable to the unaided oculus '' . These alterations, which include tattooing, piercing, and decorative surgery to call a few, all portion a common motivation that in the terminal the persons find pleasance in bodily look, ornament, and attractiveness that can finally be admired by others.

Cosmetic surgery is surely one of the most impressive techniques for organic structure Reconstruction. It is the sort of surgery where the sawbones 'cures ' the decorative defects and emotional hurting ensuing from deficiency of liking and credence of one 's visual aspect ( Blum, 2003 ) . Cosmetic surgery falls under the umbrella of plastic surgery, nevertheless decorative surgery merely deals with surgery that has to make with the aesthetic, mentioning to surgery done on a healthy organic structure merely for the betterment of expressions.

Haiken ( 1997 ) studies two separate developments that account for the outgrowth of decorative surgery. The first development was when early decorative sawboness were considered 'charlatans ' or 'beauty physicians ' and were non taken earnestly albeit certain techniques they developed are still in usage today. The 2nd development came with the First World War, when sawboness gained expertise while seeking to handle defacing cicatrixs of soldiers for decorative intent.

From the late 19th century, decorative surgery was associated with actresses since their callings ever depended on the length of service of their good expressions and by 1923 it was set

in the public imaginativeness as a famous person pattern ( Blum, 2003 ) . Gradually, a engineering that was chiefly aimed at replacing misfunctioning parts has caused an political orientation promoted by desires of transforming and correcting, disputing the very materiality of the organic structure ( Bordo, 2003 ) .

Sarwer et Al. ( 2004, as cited in Swami et Al, 2007 ) believe that a rise in media captivation, higher incomes and loss of stigma are but a few grounds why even the common people in postmodern times are choosing for the surgical hole particularly in states like the Netherlands, where decorative surgery is offered free through publically funded health care ( Gimlin, 2007, as cited in Swami et Al, 2007 ) ) . Studies show that rates of decorative surgery have risen significantly both in Western and non-Western states during the past 20 old ages ( ASAPS Statistics, 2008 ; BAAPS Statistics, 2008 ; Jones, 2008, as cited in Gimlin, 2010 ) . Recent surveies show that immature people between the ages of 16 and 35 are turning to cosmetic surgery more than of all time.

Young females and decorative surgery

Body-image bookmans claim that it is much easier to win in the universe if one is fine-looking ( Blum, 2003 ) . Appearance civilization imposes the thin hourglass form as a female organic structure ideal ( Vilhjalmsson et al.,2012 ) . Although many were the research workers who have indicated that this modern-day feminine ideal of thin attraction is unachievable for most adult females ( Irving, 1990 ; Levine & A ; Smolak, 1998 ; Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, & A ; Kelly, 1986 ; Wilcox

& A ; Laird, 2000 ) , it still triumphs despite its resistance.

As Ferron ( 1997 ) claims organic structure image lies at the bosom of adolescence and hence immature females enter the universe hankering for their expressions to be approved by those around them. Cosmetic surgery, one time used to keep vernal expressions, is today on the docket of immature females who perceive that their expressions are non in congruity with the images presented in the media and are thereby turning to decorative surgery as a speedy hole to look and experience better. There is a turning inclination among American females for decorative surgery such as chest implants and suction lipectomy to be given by parents as graduation or birthday gifts ( Boodman, 2004 ) .

Huss-Ashmore ( 2000, as cited in Gimlin, 2010 ) finds that females who have undergone decorative surgery describe the procedure "as holding a renewing consequence between organic structure and image, every bit good as ego and mind '' ( p.59 ) . Her statement agrees with Davis 's ( 1995, 2003 ) when she claims that decorative surgery offers a agency to ease the hurting associated with a organic structure that fails to stand for the 'true ego ' . Davis maintains that decorative surgery "allows some adult females to renegociate their relationship to their organic structures, and through their organic structures, to themselves '' ( p.59 ) . Through this belief Davies shows that decorative surgery is non merely about beauty but besides a engagement in individuality formation. Davis besides claims that through decorative surgery adult females feel that they are 'remaking their lives ' therefore denying the

impression that they had been 'coerced ' or 'ideologically manipulated ' .

Bordo ( 1998 ) and Negrin ( 2002, as cited in Gimlin, 2010 )  have both criticized Davis for over-emphasizing the liberty of adult females and pick on the topic of decorative surgery. Budgeon ( 2003, as cited in Gimlin, 2010 ) nevertheless supports Davis 's work claiming that feminist critics of decorative surgery tend to show the organic structure as an object, reflecting the widespread influence of Giddens 's ( 1991 ) attempts to gestate corporal individuality. Budgeon criticizes Giddens that his position favours the Cartesian duality of the mind/body dualism, giving more importance to the head over the organic structure.

However she claims that Davis 's research shows that `` subjectiveness and the stuff organic structure are facets of the ego which are irreducibly linked, such that organic structures are ne'er merely objects but portion of a procedure of negociating and re-negotiating self-identity '' ( Budgeon, 2003, p.45, as cited in Gimlin, 2010 ) . In this new manner of believing about the organic structure, Budgeon ( 2003, p.51 ) displacements from oppugning 'what the organic structure means ' towards an accent on what and how the organic structure 'becomes ' as it connects in a 'multiplicity of uninterrupted connexions with other organic structures ' .

In visible radiation of this literature reappraisal, this survey tries to reply the undermentioned inquiries:

  1. What impacts immature females ' ain organic structure image?
  2. How, if at all, does 'the organic structure ' act upon their ain individuality?
  3. What are the common factors that lead immature females to choose for organic structure undertakings such asdecorative surgery?
  4. How make

immature females feel about taking to travel for decorative surgery- is it bureau or construction?

  • In the following chapter, a elaborate account of how this survey research was conducted from get downing to stop is presented.
  • Methodology

    This chapter provides a brief lineation of the model that guides this survey. It outlines the chief aims of this research and discusses the methodological analysis used for roll uping and analyzing the information. It besides explains how participants were chosen. The restrictions of the survey and even the ethical issues involved are besides dealt with in this chapter.

    Research Questions

    To assist me acquire a better apprehension of the issue being tackled, I chose to carry on a phenomenological survey. As Lester ( 1999 ) claims, phenomenological research is concerned with analyzing the persons ' experience from his ain position, achieving penetrations into people 's actions and motives. This is normally done by garnering 'deep ' information through minimum structured interviews. Its chief purpose is to depict instead than explicate and to get down from a perspective free from prepossessions.

    This survey looks at the relationship between immature females and their ain organic structure and how they perceive it in society. It besides tries to understand their emotions and behaviors based on these perceptual experiences. It eventually delves into the issue of how and why they are willing to modify their organic structure by choosing for decorative surgery.

    The chief aims of this survey are:

    1. To understand how immature females look at their ain organic structure image.
    2. To understand how, if at all, 'the organic structure ' influences their ain individuality.
    3. To happen out what are the sociological motives that lead immature females

    to choose for decorative surgery.

  • To understand if choosing for decorative surgery is considered as bureau or the merchandise of societal forces.
  • Appropriateness of the research design

    There are two attacks to research: the quantitative attack and the qualitative attack. " Qualitative research is characteristically exploratory, fluid and flexible, informations driven and context sensitive '' ( Mason, 2002, p.24 ) . Since this survey involves certain sensitive issues, a qualitative attack was chosen since it was considered more appropriate to analyze the participants ' experiences and emotions. This is because through the qualitative attack, the research enters into the lives of participants and allows their experiences to blossom from an insider 's position ( Connolly, 2005 ) .

    " This is done by giving attending to rich item, meaningful societal contexts and experiences, and the significance of emotional content in an effort to open up the word of whoever or whatever is being studied '' ( Qualitative Data, Analysis, and Design ) . Since qualitative methods are more informal and allow greater spontaneousness in the interaction between research worker and participant, the participants felt more at easiness and allowed them to answer in greater item. This nevertheless puts greater duty on the research worker, who becomes actively engaged in this type of research. This involves an component of reflexiveness. Reflexivity means "believing critically about what you are making and why, confronting and frequently disputing your ain premises, and acknowledging the extent to which your ideas, actions and determinations shape how you research and what you see '' ( Mason, 2002, p. 5 ) .

    It entails being cognizant of the manner one 's ain beliefs and value systems influence

    the research procedure. Since every interviewer 's picks are ever motivated by specific beliefs, it is really hard to hold wholly indifferent research. Keeping this in head, I tried to be really careful to maintain my very prepossessions about the topic at bay. The fact that all the participants were either friends or familiarities, helped them experience more at easiness during the interview and I could detect that they were really unfastened in their narrations. This made them experience really relaxed since they were speaking to a friend. This must hold been an advantage to the survey as the information will be more dependable


    For the intents of a phenomenological survey conducted by a exclusive research worker, Langdridge ( 2004 ) mentions the scope of between 6 to 12 participants, while Cresswell ( 1998 ) suggests questioning up to 10 people. For this survey it was decided that eight people would be recruited. The method of trying used was purposive sampling. This meant that all eight female immature people who participated in this survey had to fulfill two conditions:

    • Participants had to be immature females who have undergone at least one intervention of decorative surgery.
    • Participants had to hold had decorative surgery when they were between 18 and 30 old ages of age.

    The age bracket being studied focal points on immature people and harmonizing to the National Youth Policy ( 2010 ) , immature people in Malta are considered to be those who are between 13 and 30 old ages of age. This survey nevertheless focuses on immature females who are above 18 old ages of age, the legal age of being considered grownups and therefore

    no parental consent was needed. Participants were recruited from my ain circle of friends or of my friends ' friends.

    Due to the sensitive nature of the phenomenon being studied, names of the participants would non be disclosed to esteem the participants ' privateness. Pseudonyms will be used alternatively of the existent names in the instance the demand arises for them to be mentioned in the information analyses.


    "Interviews are one of the most normally recognized signifiers of qualitative research methods '' ( Mason, 2002 ) . A subject usher, a transcript of which is attached as Appendix A, was drafted and a pilot interview was conducted. The interview technique was somewhat changed after the pilot interview where a subject usher was derived from a structured set of inquiries. This gave the interviewees more freedom to research issues in deepness. A transcript for the seven interviews was produced, which proved the subject usher adequate to garner the informations needed to reply the research inquiries. A semi-structured and informal subject usher with open-ended inquiries that were non needfully worded in precisely the same manner with each participant, allow the participants free to answer in their ain words, promoting the participants to answer in a more luxuriant manner than simply a yes or no.

    The interviews, which were really informal and resembled what Burgess ( 1984: 102, as cited in Mason, 2002 ) called 'conversations with a intent ' , made usage of ocular elucidation in the beginning of the interview. Each participant was asked to convey a exposure of how they looked before the operation, which was used as a tool for informations aggregation. This is a comparatively new

    technique which is used in qualitative research that makes it easier for the participants to experience more relaxed and therefore be more ready to open up on their ain personal experience. As Gibbs ( 2002 ) claims, this proved to be a good manner to motivate the participants ' treatment about themselves. The subject usher used in the interviews was made up of 5 subjects viz. visual aspect, emotions, gender, motives and alteration.


    All eight participants were either friends or familiarities, so they were contacted straight, without the usage of a gatekeeper. They were given a brief overview of the purposes of the undertaking and how the interview informations would be used. It was explained to them that this was strictly voluntary and one time they agreed to take part, assignments were set. Since all participants were over 18 old ages of age no parental consent was needed. As the participants were no aliens to me, the interviews were held either at my house or at theirs, ever conducted in private. Prior to the start of the interview, the conditions of engagement were read and explained once more and the participants were told one time once more that if at any clip they felt like they wanted to halt they were free to make so.

    The participants were besides presented with a missive ( Appendix B ) explicating precisely the process that would follow and any questions and insecurities were dealt with before the interview started. A consent signifier ( Appendix C ) was signed to corroborate their understanding to take part in the survey. The interview ushers were in English nevertheless the interviews were held in

    Maltese as it was more comfy for the participants. Although the subject usher was adhered to during the interview, they were the participants themselves who decided how deep they wanted to travel in their narrations. With the sort permission of the participants, all interviews were audio-recorded, therefore guaranting undivided attending from the research worker to the participants. This besides made it easier for the research worker to be able to concentrate on non verbal observations from the participants ' side.

    Data Procedures and Analysis

    Once the interviews were ready, transcripts were done and analysed individually. Qualitative interviews rendered a immense sum of informations which was non an easy undertaking to screen out. Important subjects were identified, and sub-themes were grounded from the informations collected. Open ended inquiries were analysed foregrounding common concerns and single differences. These were so put in an essay signifier in which direct citations were chosen to give more deepness to the findings. Although I tried to stay every bit faithful as possible where interlingual renditions were needed, the original quotation marks in Maltese can be found in Appendix as... ...

    Ethical Considerations

    Ethical concerns are salient in this sort of interview. The fact that these interviews might set some hazard of mental uncomfortableness and maltreatment of 'power ' from the research worker 's side, was kept in head throughout the whole interview and whenever a participant seemed to be uncomfortable, steps were taken to set the participant at easiness. This was done by inquiring them if it was comfy for them to transport on while besides giving them the option to decelerate down a spot or even halt.

    Apart from reminding them the conditions of engagement,

    participants were besides reminded that they could forbear from replying any inquiry that they might experience they did non desire to reply. They were besides told that they could make up one's mind to halt the interview at any clip they wanted without the demand to warrant their determination. In this manner it was assured that hazard to psychological injury was kept to a lower limit. Participants were besides informed that the recordings of the interviews were to be used entirely for the survey intent and that the information gathered would be discarded after five old ages upper limit. Participants were besides assured that confidentiality of gathered informations would be maintained at all times, and designation of participants would be available neither during nor after the survey.


    While carry oning a phenomenological survey, the research worker 's personal intuitions and opinions can interfere with the procedure of informations aggregation and reading ( Creswell, 1998 ; Langdridge, 2004 ) . Keeping this in head, I tried to understate interviewer prejudice by avoiding to unwrap my ain personal positions on the topic. This was non ever easy since participants were my ain friends, many of whom I have a really good relationship with and are even cognizant of my positions on the issue. However, I tried to stay every bit impersonal as possible to the narrations of the participants in order to avoid endangering the consequences of the survey.

    The 2nd restriction addresses the extent to which the findings can be generalized farther than the instances studied. Although as was said before, harmonizing to Cresswell ( 1998 ) and Langdridge ( 2004 ) eight interviews are plenty for a

    phenomenological survey conducted by a exclusive research worker, one must maintain in head that the figure of instances is excessively limited for wide generalisations.


    This chapter outlined the purposes of this survey and gave an overview of the attack to the research. It described the methodological analysis and the pick of the research method, together with a description of the interview procedure. Ethical considerations were besides mentioned. The following chapter will show the findings of the survey and their analysis.

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