Final Economics
Final Economics

Final Economics

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  • Pages: 6 (2821 words)
  • Published: October 28, 2017
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The agrarian issues were decided presumably upon the well-being of farm households and acceptance of political adhering especially in the midst of rural unrest, despite the fact that every colonial power and government followed land policies differing in terms of emphasis and parameterization. It has been concluded that in regard to the many regime changes that the country has undergone in the last century, the legislation effort led to the accumulation of a diverse set of land policies, laws, and programs either complementary or opposing to each other.

There are many results and outcomes that brought the positive effects and as well as the negative outcome of the implementation of the program. First off, the allocation of land to the farmers or agriculturists with the purpose of producing crops and the usage of idle land indeed brought growth in the agriculture industry but with that, a lot of issues were also occurring rooting from the land owned and possessed of the late president, Carbon Aquinas together with her family, The Cognacs.

Agrarian reform first appeared on the agenda of Philippine policy making with the beginning of the American colonial rule. Since the turn of the century, several land related laws and programs were introduced by the American administration, allowed by another set of reform laws enacted by the Philippine government after the installation of the Philippine Republic in 1946. Most of them were tenancy reforms and land settlement projects trying to address rural unrest rather than pursuing economic or social motives.

One of the first land issues to be addressed was the co

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ntroversy on the friar estates encompassing 166,000 hectares, which were purchased in the first years of American administration and for distribution to 60,000 peasants. However, due to high amortization fees that small-scale farmers could not afford to pay, these estates were purchased by the landed wealthy elites. Consequently, it was viewed that agricultural development policies of the government had been unresponsive to the needs of the peasantry as a whole for many decades. The apparent exploitative agrarian structure intensified the claims for land reform.

It was in 1988, under the government of President Carbon Aquinas, that Republic Act 6657, otherwise known as the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law L upon near ascension Into power In AIBO, President Aqualung novellas agrarian and land reform as the centerpiece of her administration’s social legislative agenda which took effect two years after the peaceful People Power Revolution and the end of the Marco’s authoritarian rule. Its fundamental principle and slogan was land-to- tiller. L Under this law, land reform becomes a major component of agrarian reform.

Let me start with the origins of Agrarian reform which started even in the late 1700-sass. Despite of the common belief that land reform would bring economic well off to the poor farm beneficiaries, It raise some problems stemming down from weak government and tainted political leadership. The national level political Hyannis, dominated by the landed oligarchy behind the legislation of CARP in 1988, have been a constant feature of the Philippine politics when it comes to land reform legislation of the various regimes in th

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past. As a consequence, the CARP has done not much to improve the lives of those people in the countryside.

Given the failure of governance for effective land reform, the end results have been far from the goals after more than two decades of implementation. This argument therefore is very timely in assessing CARP since this program is nearing its end, and will hopefully roved insights if CARP is indeed failing or not in meeting its promises. The Marco’s land reform program left an estimated number of at least 56 percent of households dependent on agriculture, landless or with little land (Puttee, 1992: 25). Rural uprising, therefore, played an essential role in the 1986 ADS Revolution, which led to the presidency of Carbon Aquinas.

Before her term in office, she had committed herself to making land reform an essential part of her governing period promising to address her own family’s landholding, Hacienda Lawsuit, one of the first targets. 1). Land-to-the-tiller must become a reality, instead of an empty slogan, was Quoin’s motto when she set the agenda for land reforms. A land reform commission was formed, and the CARL, otherwise known as RA 6657, with its implementing program the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) was enacted in 1988.

The total original area to be covered by CARP was 10. 3 million hectares, one-third of the country’s land area of 30 million hectares. As a result of CARP Scope Validation, the covered area was reduced to 8. 16 million hectares to be distributed among the 4. 5 million beneficiaries. This reduction is attributed to the number of exemptions and exclusions on land types (although it was rumored that this was another manipulation attempt of the landed elites in the Congress). Of this total amended area, 4. Million hectares (54 percent) falls under the responsibility of DARE and 3. 8 million hectares are under the Jurisdiction of the EDEN being public and forest lands. The CARL was the product of a legislation process in the Senate and the House of Representatives that took more than one year for its formal proclamation and passage; Don Houses Tough Tort toner own proposal AT a Lana retort law, wanly fleeted their respective composition of representatives and the apathy they have on rural poverty.

The important details of timing, priorities, and minimum legal holdings were determined by Congress in which majority of members were connected to landed interests, if not owners of large tracks of farms. At the time of deliberation of the CARL, the landlords dominated the House of Representatives and the Senate mainly consisted of urban-based businessmen who regarded agrarian reform essential for the development of the country. The bill proposed by the Senate was quite far reaching.

It claimed a retention limit of five hectares and the distribution of large land holdings to be addressed first. The bill of the House of Representatives reflected the landlord domination in this part of Congress. It contained a proposed retention limit of seven hectares, plus three hectares for every heir and provided that public lands should be addressed and distributed prior to private lands. In many

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