What contribution can geographers make to moderate the impact of natural hazards Essay Example
What contribution can geographers make to moderate the impact of natural hazards Essay Example

What contribution can geographers make to moderate the impact of natural hazards Essay Example

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  • Pages: 10 (2726 words)
  • Published: December 25, 2017
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In the past, 'natural hazard' had a straightforward definition as it encompassed any occurrence triggered by natural phenomena like weather or geological shifts that led to human suffering via injury, loss of life or financial hardship. In earlier times, almost all disasters were perceived as being natural catastrophes such as floods, famine, hurricanes and earthquakes with sporadic references made to divine intervention or misfortune with little inquiry into human responsibility. However, presently environmental activists have vehemently argued that human behavior can also contribute to calamities.

The significance of human interaction with natural hazards is becoming increasingly apparent, particularly in cases such as deforestation on steep slopes in the Himalayas. This activity has been widely recognized as a contributing factor to heightened landslides and even flooding in areas like Bangladesh. Although these occurrences are classif

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ied as 'natural' hazards, it is crucial to acknowledge the role that humans play in exacerbating them. It is essential to distinguish between a hazard - which refers to the natural phenomenon - and a disaster - which describes the adverse impact on people. As White (1977) highlights, recognizing the human component is critical because no natural hazard exists without some form of human adaptation.

The Marxist perspective on hazard management suggests that disasters only occur when people are present to experience their negative effects. The increasing global population, which results in more people inhabiting vulnerable environments, is believed to be responsible for the growing number of disasters. However, in comparison to unreasonable deaths caused by car accidents and the lack of primary healthcare resources available worldwide, the impact of natural hazards appears minimal. According to Lundgren (1988: 761), it would be more cost-effective

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for society to allocate its resources towards reducing medical risks and everyday accidents rather than preventing natural hazards from occurring. This viewpoint is important as it can inform established development programs.

It is crucial to acknowledge the severity of natural hazards and their potential economic and human impacts in affected regions. Rossi et al. (1983) reported that such hazards have an annual economic cost between $5 billion and $10 billion in the United States.

In my essay, I will argue about the approach to natural hazards, whether it should be from a technological or social perspective. Currently, disaster-prevention techniques are primarily focused on technical solutions because they offer tangible targets for assistance compared to development issues. The Developed World typically funds research programs that could benefit their interests and prioritize disaster research and relief projects over development projects due to their higher prestige. Nevertheless, many authors have emphasized the interconnection between natural disasters and development issues as a means of increasing donations. Marxist scholars like O'Keefe and Watts also share this view.

The concept underlying this argument is that natural hazards are more likely to turn into disasters in underdeveloped and impoverished areas compared to the Developed World. This Marxist theory comprises four main lines of reasoning: 1) the exploitation of Third World countries increases the occurrence of natural disasters as the physical environment and socio-economic conditions deteriorate, 2) the most impoverished classes suffer the most, 3) disaster relief perpetuates the status quo, and 4) solutions relying on advanced technology to prevent or mitigate the effects of disasters reinforce the conditions of underdevelopment, exploitation, and poverty (Bryant, 1991). These perspectives aim to shift responsibility away from nature and

emphasize human responsibility, especially that of the wealthy North. The new assertion is that disasters are not merely random occurrences but rather have underlying causes (Oliver-Smith, 1994).

It can be argued that taking the stance that disaster frequency has not significantly increased in the past twenty years is appropriate. However, there has been an increase in human and material losses, which may be a response to growing poverty and domination in less-developed countries. Additionally, hazards of equal severity can have vastly different impacts in the Developed versus the Developing World (O'Keefe et al. 1976). For example, Cyclones Tracy and Fifi in 1974 were similarly intense but had vastly different outcomes, with each destroying around 80% of the buildings in their respective impact zones.

The impact of natural hazards can vary greatly on different populations, as illustrated by the varying death tolls of Hurricanes Tracy and Fifi. This phenomenon is referred to as 'classquake', which was coined after the Guatemalan earthquake in 1975. While vulnerability to natural hazards is a significant issue, it cannot be evaluated solely along class lines. Other factors such as lifestyle, health, access to information, and level of preparedness also play a role. Although these factors may align with class divisions in some instances, suggesting that socialism will alleviate suffering caused by such events is incorrect. In fact, some of the worst natural disasters this century have occurred in socialist countries like the Chinese famine from 1959-1961 caused by unsuitable forms of collective ownership and policies implemented by the Communist regime (Cannon, 1994; Oliver-Smith, 1994).

Reducing vulnerability in the face of natural hazards is a complex issue. The question at hand seeks to explore

ways to achieve this. While risk is an inherent part of a natural hazard and cannot be altered, the impact of the hazard can be moderated through two main methods. Technological solutions are one approach but tend to ignore the human factors. These solutions are popular with capitalists as they avoid the need for complex social change. However, from a Marxist perspective, physical solutions overlook the real problem. Instead, widespread social equality is needed to prevent the situation from worsening. In this discussion of natural hazard moderation, let us use earthquakes as an example. Physical solutions to earthquakes seek to achieve one of four aims: preventing the event, decreasing intensity, warning people about its approach or future threats, or increasing resistance in vulnerable areas.

Immense amounts of energy are quickly released by natural disasters like earthquakes and volcanoes, resulting in widespread destruction. On average, earthquakes cause 10,000 deaths and $400 million worth of property damage annually. However, some years may experience significantly higher figures - for example, the 1976 earthquake in Tangshan, China claimed a quarter of a million lives. Fires caused by earthquakes are often responsible for most casualties; the Tokyo earthquake of 1923 resulted in fires similar in magnitude to the Great Fire of London in 1666. Additionally, massive tsunamis can be produced by earthquakes near plate boundaries due to intense pressure changes at their epicentres.

The San Andreas Fault in California has been active for millions of years as an example of a transform plate boundary. The two plates have moved 550 km since the Jurassic age, causing numerous earthquakes. However, earthquakes can occur even in areas located up to 1000km away from the

nearest plate boundary, such as the region between Tibet and Korea due to India's continuous northward movement into Asia creating stress. Additionally, glacial deloading can also trigger earthquakes, like in Canada's Shield region. Therefore, earthquakes can happen anywhere on Earth and serve as an excellent case study. In fact, the supposedly aseismic area of New South Wales experienced an earthquake in 1989 that killed 12 individuals and caused A$1000 million of damage.

Research suggests that the construction of certain dams, such as the Hoover Dam in the United States in 1935, may lead to more frequent earthquakes. This could be due to water penetrating bedrock and causing slippage. Mining and fluid disposal have also been blamed for increased seismic activity (Bryant, 1991). Despite extensive study of tectonics, there are few effective methods for preventing or reducing the intensity of earthquakes. Efforts such as injecting fluids into the San Andreas fault have had little success in facilitating smooth plate movement.

While it is unclear how effective earthquake prevention and reduction efforts have been, it is known that the area remains vulnerable to earthquakes, as demonstrated by the 1989 destruction of San Francisco's Marina area. Attempts to divert earthquakes, unlike cyclones, are futile. Therefore, it appears that technological solutions to earthquakes have largely failed. Rather, like other natural hazards, people must learn to coexist with them. However, technology has made advancements in two areas: predicting earthquakes and reinforcing cities against their impact. This allows people to take precautionary measures in preparation for an earthquake.

For a long time, people have tried to identify areas that are prone to tectonic hazards. Dating back to AD132, the Chinese took rudimentary measurements and

there are many historical records of such events. To calculate earthquake recurrence intervals for different regions, one useful method has been to collect this information. By studying these records, seismic maps have been produced that highlight the most high-risk areas.

It has been predicted that California is overdue for a quake of a magnitude greater than 7 on the Richter Scale, which could result in catastrophic consequences considering the high level of urbanization in the area (Bryant, 1991). Triangulation stations have been established in various regions to monitor significant earth movements, while laser technology is increasingly utilized to detect minuscule changes across fault zones (with research on the San Andreas fault leading this field). Thus, conventional geographical skills like mapping and statistical analysis are playing a crucial role in evaluating the geographical distribution of tectonic threats.

Various organizations have been established to examine data and issue warnings, such as the Pacific Tsunami Warning Center in Hawaii and the Earthquake Research Institute in Tokyo (Bryant, 1991). Forecasts can be made more accurate by identifying precursor events that frequently take place before a major earthquake. Such signals have been successfully interpreted to enable an area to be evacuated prior to a large earthquake. These indicators include smaller shocks that typically occur prior to a major event, often in a ring around the future epicenter forming a Mogi Doughnut. Additionally, the fluctuation of groundwater levels in wells and unusual weather or animal behavior have also been proposed as predictors of an impending earthquake.

The Chinese have been particularly successful in earthquake prediction, with Haicheng becoming the first city to undergo evacuation prior to an earthquake in 1975. During the 1970s, four

out of five major earthquakes in China were predicted in advance and prompt evacuations were carried out. However, there have also been instances where false predictions resulted in costly evacuation procedures that proved unnecessary. After seismic mapping is performed, infrastructure can be tailored to suit the extent of earthquake risk in the area. Many cities susceptible to earthquakes, such as Tokyo, have implemented earthquake regulations for building construction, as well as constantly testing new materials and architectural designs to maximize safety. In the Developed World, buildings are being reconstructed with a view to withstand stronger shocks, dams reinforced, and land-use zoning enforced to prevent building nuclear power plants on fault lines, for example.

Although attempts have been made to ensure safety in earthquake-prone areas, their effectiveness has been inconsistent. San Francisco's 1989 earthquake saw a large section of the Nimitz Freeway's upper deck collapse despite complying with regulations. Additionally, concerns have arisen regarding Los Angeles' Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant, situated just 5km from an active faultline (Bryant, 1991). In Developing World regions, limited funding often means that adequate safety measures are not put in place, leaving many cities vulnerable to disasters. For example, Mexico City is at high risk of earthquakes due to its location on unstable unconsolidated sediments which can amplify shockwaves up to six times. Unfortunately, building regulations are sparse and seldom enforced resulting in the destruction of 10% of structures during the city's 1985 earthquake (Bryant, 1991).

Although physical solutions have been attempted to address the challenges brought about by earthquakes, their effectiveness has been limited. Consequently, individuals residing in seismically-active regions must learn to coexist with these natural phenomena. A potential solution

could involve reducing social inequality as suggested by Marxists, which would decrease the vulnerability of those living in earthquake-prone areas. It is worth noting that not all disadvantaged regions are impacted by earthquakes, and social reform may help alleviate the repercussions caused by seismic activity.

Physical factors have a primary influence on the impact of earthquakes, enabling comparison of effects on people with different socioeconomic backgrounds. While wealthier individuals may experience greater financial losses due to possessing more valuable assets, they often possess sufficient means and insurance coverage to recover from earthquake-related damages rapidly. Rossi et al. provide an example of this occurrence.

In 1983, a survey conducted by Rossi et al. on 13,000 American households found that most people affected by an event were able to resume their normal lives within a month with the help of insurance, government aid, and support from organizations like the Red Cross, as well as friends and family. However, Rossi et al. noted that financial strain varied depending on race. The researchers assessed the financial burden on white and non-white families based on repair costs that went beyond what they could afford.

The financial gap between non-whites and their white counterparts was found to be around $2400 on average, highlighting the localized inequalities that different groups of disaster victims often face. Families in Developing World cannot afford insurance and have limited access to government funds earmarked for disaster relief, exacerbating the already-existing disadvantages. Therefore, disadvantaged disaster victims suffer disproportionately. Alleviating poverty could help to reduce suffering from disasters while improving overall conditions.

The task of addressing underdevelopment issues is challenging, and according to Parker (1992), it is crucial to not let it

be a hindrance to implementing policies. Parker argues that reducing disaster vulnerability, which stems from poverty, would require getting rid of poverty entirely - a desirable but unlikely feat in the short term. Thus, technology may be a potential solution in the interim. Conversely, others propose that natural hazards limit a country's development. Bangladesh has endured numerous floods and tropical cyclones, with its citizens experiencing thirteen cyclones between 1960 and 1970 alone. Consequently, Bangladesh's development funds are frequently allocated toward emergency relief efforts.

Between 1988 and 1989, there was a 45% reduction in the development budget to fund reparative measures, as noted by Brammer (1990). While an environmentally deterministic approach may seem unhelpful, it is important to shift focus towards addressing societal and human-environmental relations that prefigure disaster, according to Hewitt (1983). This could be done through initiatives like rehousing projects to move people away from vulnerable areas, such as shanty towns along riverbanks and steep slopes prone to floods and landslides. Furthermore, increasing food security and storing surpluses may also prove beneficial in the aftermath of disasters where crops are destroyed.

Primary healthcare can play a crucial role in disaster prevention by improving people's overall fitness and making them more resilient to disasters. In the case of earthquakes, there are practical measures that can be implemented, such as moving people living on unconsolidated ground, reinforcing buildings, and providing aid to those in need. Moving an entire city like Mexico City is not feasible, but investment in building reinforcement can enhance the stability of poverty-stricken communities who live in unstable and dangerous housing. On the other hand, self-built houses made of light and flimsy materials may

be advantageous during an earthquake as they collapse easily without causing injury. However, poverty often increases vulnerability after a disaster since those with limited resources have nothing to fall back on during difficult times. Consequently aid must be aimed specifically at those most in need. This could include provision of basic building materials as well as seed and farming tools to enable them to feed themselves again.

Helping people who are less fortunate is extremely important because they usually confront more obstacles than those who have more resources. Even though disasters don't discriminate based on wealth, it's vital not to mentally separate "innocent victims" from the rest of society. In the end, being unlucky can often determine one's destiny. Reducing poverty could potentially have significant benefits in mitigating the effects of natural catastrophes like earthquakes.

Distributing aid or sympathy based on social class is impractical and unfair when it comes to moderating the impact of natural hazards. The question of preventing physical events is not simple, as it involves socio-economic and political factors. Geographers play a crucial role in integrating physical and social arguments. However, as population densities increase in risky areas like river valleys or coastal regions, the stakes become higher.

It is crucial to study ways to alleviate the suffering caused by natural disasters and reduce vulnerability. However, tackling global inequality is the ultimate solution to minimize suffering. If the money invested in projects like lubricating the San Andreas fault had been used for primary healthcare in Mexico, countless lives could have been saved. Unfortunately, political factors often dictate decision-making and prevent logical solutions from being implemented.

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