In his essay "Just Take Away Their Guns", James Q. Wilson expresses his stance on gun control, favoring the implementation of "stop-and-frisk" policies rather than stricter regulations on gun sales. Although he occasionally presents compelling arguments for the necessity of guns for self-defense, Wilson fails to provide enough evidence to convince his audience that police frisks will effectively combat gun violence. Essentially, he suggests that his proposed solution is more favorable compared to implementing additional gun legislation.
Wilson's argument is ineffective because he dismisses gun-control advocates and ignores the consequences of increased police frisking. In his essay, Wilson argues that gun control policies have little impact on gun violence and proposes that "stop-and-frisk" procedures implemented by police departments are the most effective approach to reducing this issue (Wilson 126-128). He first presents statistics
...that suggest illegally owned firearms are responsible for the majority of gun violence (Wilson 126). Then, he briefly mentions the constitutionality of this procedure by referencing the Supreme Court case Terry v.
Ohio is used as a basis for the legalization of frisking, according to Wilson (126). He also gives reasons why police departments and officers avoid frisking individuals, such as officer shortages and the fear of being accused of harassment (Wilson 126-127). Throughout most of the essay, Wilson discredits the pro-gun control argument, but briefly mentions the potential disproportionate targeting of minority men towards the end (Wilson 127-128). This leads to the initial issue in Wilson's essay: the disregard for possible drawbacks of his proposal and the trivializing of concerns about racial profiling by referring to them as mere "complaints" (Wilson 128). What about the inevitable increase in arrests? What about the potential
danger to police officers? As someone with a police officer uncle, I am well aware of how unpredictable some individuals can be.
According to Wilson (128), "Stop-and-frisk" policies will only result in more encounters between law enforcement and armed criminals, potentially leading to fatal consequences. However, Wilson fails to address the social injustices that would arise from expanding this practice nationwide, which significantly weakens his argument. Furthermore, Wilson does not provide any supporting evidence for the effectiveness of police frisks in reducing gun violence or illegal firearms on the streets (Wilson 126).
In his essay, Wilson examines the legitimacy of self-defense as a justification for reducing gun control. This might suggest that he is avoiding discussing the known successes or failures of stop-and-frisk policies (Wilson 127). Instead of providing specific reasons for its effectiveness, Wilson focuses on explaining how stop and frisk operates and what actions are considered acceptable by the Court to protect law enforcement from legal consequences (Wilson 127). Personally, I find Wilson's essay unconvincing to skeptical readers who question the efficacy of well-known policies. Furthermore, I take issue with Wilson's disregard for the opinions held by advocates of gun control. Growing up in a conservative household, my family and I have always respected differing viewpoints, even when we disagree - including those advocating for gun control.
In his essay, Wilson completely dismisses the progun control argument, going as far as to label it "politically absurd" (Wilson 127). Throughout the essay, Wilson's bias is evident as he devotes five paragraphs to argue against gun control, which is about the same length as his discussion on police frisking (Wilson 125-128). This suggests that Wilson uses police frisking
as a topic merely to draw readers' attention, while primarily focusing on criticizing the pro-gun control argument. I believe that if Wilson had allocated less time to bashing gun-control advocates and instead presented facts and statistics to support the effectiveness of police frisking, his essay would have been more persuasive. However, I do acknowledge a few positive aspects in Wilson's work.
Wilson presents police frisks as a harmless procedure, describing them as the “patting down of a person’s outer clothing,” but in reality, they can be invasive and rough, often involving forceful actions like being thrown to the ground or pushed against a patrol car. He also suggests that individuals on probation or parole or those associated with violent gangs are more likely to be subjected to these frisks. While some may view this as deceptive, it effectively engages a wider audience for his paper. Wilson's argument regarding the usefulness of guns for self-defense is also quite persuasive. His mention of the statistic that guns are used over a million times annually for defensive purposes grabs attention.
In summary, Wilson's viewpoint may be deemed offensive by gun control advocates and minorities could potentially perceive it as a sacrifice of their rights for the benefit of society. I personally believe that implementing appropriate guidelines and adequately training officers could enhance the effectiveness of frisks in reducing the prevalence of illegal firearms in public spaces. Nonetheless, Wilson's argument is significantly impeded by a lack of evidence, antagonism towards gun control advocates, and a dearth of solutions pertaining to issues like racial profiling and overcrowded prisons.
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