Case Study: Rwanda Genocide Essay Example

Tutsis, with their more 'European' appearance, were deemed the 'master race' and eventually almost all of the autocracy in Rwanda was Tutsi. This position of power over the Hutus created much hostility and hatred towards the minority Tutsi and this hatred would serve as a catalyst for the 1994 genocide.In 1933 the Belgians took another step towards separating the Tutsis and the Hutus when the instituted an identity-card system that designated every Rwandan as Hutu, Tutsi.

The identity cards remained in use into the post-independence era, and unfortunately also provided central assistance to the crazed militias who would later carry out the atrocities on the Rwandan population. After World War II, the trend of decolonization was sweeping Africa and the pacific and it was then that the Tutsis would lead a campaign for independence from the Belgians (Cook, 2006).With the opportunity for independence, Rwandans like in any other country fighting for independence at the time, divided into parties vying for the lead role in government. While the Tutsis historically had privilege to this position, before decolonization occurred the Belgians began switching out Tutsi representatives for Hutus out of fear that a majority Hutu party would come out victorious (Rwanda, 2008). The Belgian suspicion of a Hutu overthrow came to fruition when the Hutus took control of Rwanda in 1959 (Rwanda, 2008).After the overthrow, vengeful Hutu militias murdered about 15,000 Tutsis, and more than 100,000 Tutsis fled to bordering countries, primarily Uganda and Burundi (Cook, 2006).

The Tutsis remaining in Rwanda were stripped of their possessions and positions of power under the regime of Juvenal Habyarimana, who came to power in 1973 (January, 2007). Background Post-Independence/Parties

During Habyarimana’s rule as president an estimated one million Tutsis fled the country (Rwanda, 2008). This Diaspora of Tutsi’s from around Africa, mainly those located in Uganda, formed a guerrilla organization known as the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).The RPF’s aim was to take back power from the Hutu majority who usurped them, and overthrow the Habyarimana regime. The RPF had support from the Ugandan government and military as many of the Tutsi refugees fought in their independence during the 80’s (Rwanda, 2008).

In 1990 the RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda and this intrastate conflict eventually led to an agreement from Habyarimana for a power sharing agreement. In August 1993, Habyarimana accepted an internationally-mediated peace treaty in the Tanzanian town of Arusha.This treaty was to grant the RPF a share of political power and a military presence in the capital, Kigali (Rwanda, 2008). Though the peace process seemed to be underway there were many in Habyarimana’s government who did not want to accept the power sharing agreement. Some of these dissenters, many of which were high-level government officials and military personnel, began to devise their own solution to the 'Tutsi problem'.

On April 6, 1994, President Habyarimana's plane was shot down by a surface-to-air missile as it approached Kigali airport (Rwanda, 2008).Though the assassination has never been confirmed to have been perpetrated by the dissenters in the Hutu party, the speed with which the genocide was subsequently launched strongly suggests this was the case. After the downing of President Habyarimana’s plane, genocide broke out in Rwanda. Right wing extremist from the former president’s regime began a campaign of hate that called on all Hutus to destroy

the “Tutsi cockroaches” (January, 2007).

In addition to the Tutsi population, the perpetrators of the genocide targeted moderate Hutus in the government who were in agreement with Arusha peace agreement.There were many tactics employed during Rwandan genocide. The majority of the killings were door-to-door killings carried out by soldiers and militias (Rwanda, 2008). Another prevalent form was the setting up of roadblocks where those thought or proven to be a Tutsi (identity cards) were murdered, often by machete. The Hutu moderates who were targeted were easily found and murdered as there was a lists of names circulated among the killers, and the militias simply visited the houses of those listed and murdered their target (Rwanda, 2008).

When the genocide started in Rwanda, the RPF drove their troops into the capital city of Kigali, and defeated the Rwandan government resistance. This eventually stopped the vilence and prevented many killings in the areas surrounding Kigali (January, 2007). The RPF forces based in Kigali achieved general safety in the city succeeded in protecting a large number of residents from the militias. On July 4, 1994, Kigali fell to the RPF and the genocide and finally came to an end on July 18 (Cook, 2006).

In the summer of 1994 the Hutu regime was ousted by the RPF, who promptly took up positions in the government. This new government and its soldiers in turn began to persecute the Hutu population, killing thousands in reactionary revenge killings (Cook, 2006). Thousands of revenge killings took part on the behalf of RPF soldiers and government led forces. Application of Theory In a conflict as atrocious and incomprehensible as the one in Rwanda it is

difficult to analyze the many causes and underlying problems that lead to its inception.One theory that can be used to analyze this conflict is Gurr’s Political Mobilization theory.

This theory is relevant because it can help to explain how the Rwandan government and the Hutu militias came to mobilize with such devastating brutality. Gurr says that one thing that is needed is a salience of ethno-cultural identity. This is definitely true of the groups because they were all Hutu civilians and militiamen who unified against the Tutsis and moderate Hutus. This leads to the next criteria needed for mobilization, incentives.

Their incentives for action were to gain rights that they have been denied for decades under Tutsi rule and achieve equality in land and power as well as sharing of wealth. In the past these groups had a collective disadvantage in the form of inequalities in access to wealth, water and other resources and they did not want the moderate government of Habyarimana to give any of these rights back to the Tutsis. The capacity for these groups to mobilize was greatly aided by the overwhelming abundance of weapons in the area.Because of the geographic centrality in an area of decades of war, the Rwandan militias had access to cheap weaponry and machetes and thus their capacities to mobilize were much easier. Another important factor in their capacity to mobilize was the propagandist media that was responsible for inciting much of the violence.

The station; Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) broadcasted inciting propaganda aimed at creating an uprising from its listeners who were mainly young Hutus (Cook, 2006).The final criteria for political mobilization as

stated by Gurr are opportunities. After presidents’ plane crashed there was an opportunity by the extremists to incite a revolution. Much like the riots that took place after the assassination of MLK or after the Rodney King beatings, a single was the perfect opportunity to carry our massive mobilization. The conflict in Rwanda claimed as many as 800,000 lives over a three month period (Rwanda, 2008), and in the history of violent conflicts this one will never be forgotten.Bibliography Cook, S.

E. (2006). Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda New Perspectives. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

January, B. (2007). Genocide Moder Crimes against humanity. Minneapolis, Minn: Twent-First Century Books. Rwanda. (2008).

Retrieved 4 16, 2008, from Uppsala Universitet: http://www. pcr. uu. se/gpdatabase/gpcountry. php? id=133=4 Wikipedia.

(2008). Retrieved from Rwanda: http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Rwanda