Sexual Excess of the Eighteenth Century Essay Example

p900), the understanding of organic structures led to the construction of gender. Historiographers also argue that this reconstruction led to the domestication and de-sexualization of women, particularly those from higher social circles. In contrast to Roy Porter's belief that the eighteenth century was a time of sexual liberation, the historian must consider not only gender but also sexuality when studying women during this period (Porter, 1982, p278). This essay will examine Laqueur's influential book 'Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud' (1990) and the response it received from historiographers. Additionally, pornography and gender roles in the eighteenth century will be explored to determine if it truly was an era of sexual excess.

According to Jenner and Taithe (2000), Thomas Laqueur's book has been hailed as one of the most influential works in medical history in recent decades. Laqueur argues that prior to the Eighteenth Century, the dominant belief in sexual thought was the "one-sex or one-flesh theoretical model."

The understanding of body and gender has transformed over time. Previously, there was a one-sex theoretical view where male and female genitalia were considered opposites or the vagina was seen as an inferior version of the male genitalia. The vagina was imagined as an interior phallus, the labia as prepuce, the womb as scrotum, and the ovaries as testicles. However, this changed in the 18th century to a two-sex theoretical model where male and female were viewed as distinct biological sexes. This shift accompanied modernizing ideas on sexualization that incorporated the history of body and gender. These changes also influenced constructions of gender, masculinity, and femininity. Additionally, perceptions of sexual desire and behavior shifted with both

men and women expected to conform to heterosexual norms and be attracted to those perceived as their opposite sex.According to Hitchcock (1997, p57), erotica takes on new meaning when examined within evolving definitions of "normal" and "heterosexual" norms. Stimulating visuals and written descriptions effectively promote conventional heterosexual conduct by serving as guides for intense sexual relationships.

Despite the increased prevalence of pornography, the shift in the perception of gender would logically lead to a decrease in sexualization of women. While women's bodies used to be seen as resembling men's and their place in the bedroom and orgasm were meant to satisfy men, they are now viewed as separate and opposing beings who are naturally pure and domestic. However, some historians argue that this shift did not enhance women's rights to sexual pleasure, but actually eroded them.

(McLaren, 1985, pp340-341) The female climax was devalued and women were confined to domestic roles. According to Trumbach (1991, p322), women often faced punishment for taking sexual initiative in contrast to the emphasis on male desire in the "new male heterosexualism." Historians like Anthony Fletcher argue that these changes were a result of men redefining and reinforcing patriarchy to ensure its longevity (Fletcher, 1995, pxxii). The assumption arose that only women with low moral standing, such as extramarital wives, prostitutes, and others, expressed sexual passion.

The notorious diary of Fanny Hill, a prostitute, perfectly reflected this ideology, and was actually not written by a woman but by a man named John Cleland. The diary describes how, at 15, Fanny had been deceived into joining the sex trade by the owner of a brothel and "initiated in the pleasures of her new occupation

by another of the girls, 'whose lewd touches ignited a new passion that flowed through my veins'. Fanny admitted that 'I was more pleased than offended'. (Rennell, 2007) As a prostitute, it is perfectly logical that Fanny would experience sexual pleasure, unlike her emasculated middle class superiors.

Therefore, the notion of a "sexual surplus" in pornography appears to be limited to heterosexual adult men, while adult women have gradually become less stimulated by these boundaries. However, as gender came under scientific scrutiny in relation to the sexual ideal, certain behaviors, including masturbation, were considered "abnormal" for both genders. Esteemed doctors, scientists, philosophers, and spiritual leaders popularized the theory that masturbation led to physical and mental deficiencies. Thus, the portrayal of heterosexuality in pornography exhibited a conservative perspective that lacked the sexual open-mindedness associated with the concept of "sexual surplus."

After discussion, it seems clear that Laqueur's theory of the transition from a one-sex to a two-sex model in the seventeenth century highlights important ideas about gender. However, some historians, like Martensen and Fletcher, criticize Laqueur for oversimplifying the transition. While Laqueur acknowledges that the shift was not a smooth progression, his main argument that the two-sex model became dominant in the eighteenth century is still subject to criticism. For example, Fletcher sees similar changes occurring in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as well as the eighteenth.

According to Fletcher (2000, p41), the author argues that there existed a "transitional universe of neither one sex nor two". Martensen (pp107-33) also found that both one-sex and two-sex theoretical accounts are presented in the survey of early modern medical beginnings. In addition, Laqueur's book on Freud briefly touches on his prominent

one-sex theoretical account of male and female genital organ and gender, including Freud's claim of women's penis envy. This raises questions about how Laqueur could claim that the two-sex theoretical account was evidence of the origins of the modernization of gender if Freud relied on a one-sex model. During the seventeenth century, medical understandings of gender and reproduction were far from scientifically accurate, with limited knowledge on menstruation, fertilization, conception, and anatomy. However, despite relying heavily on medical sources from this time, Laqueur strongly rejects the idea that scientific advancements led to a shift in thinking towards a two-sex model.

According to Jenner and Taithe (2000, p194), the author argues that the change in organic structure was essential in each of these developments. However, the author tends to ignore non-medical aspects such as construct and sexual difference that are not related to the medical field, including erotica, inexpensive medical treatises, and tribunal depositions. As a result, Laqueur's vision of modernizing the 18th-century is flawed and overlooks the scientific defects during that time period and the following century. Additionally, if we analyze 18th-century pornography alongside the one-sex theoretical account, we can observe that authors used a model of similarity to make the act of vaginal incursion or fertilization understandable.

(Harvey, 2002, p914) According to Harvey, bodily similarity helped people understand the brotherhood of men and women, but differences were still emphasized. This essay has discussed the changes in gender, sexuality, and erotic expression, using medical treatises and titillating imitations as examples. However, we are still faced with the question of whether even the more widely circulated forms of pornography truly represented 'normal' sexual activity and an increase in

it. This is a recurring issue for gender historians. For example, Shoemaker's study 'Gender in English society, 1650-1850: The Emergence of Separate Spheres?' illustrates how lived gender roles were influenced by societal, economic, and political factors.

(Shoemaker, 1998, p5) However, he still seems skeptical about the impact of political orientation in shaping gender roles. (Harvey, 2002, p915) Harvey cautions that: "The emphasis on the discursive has overshadowed the exploration of the material contexts of gender." (Harvey, 2002, p914) Undoubtedly, historians like Roper criticize the abstraction of the body in historical work as "an irritatingly non-physical abstraction...We need an understanding of sexual difference that will integrate, not contradict, the physical." (Lyndal Roper, 1994, p68) The challenges in accurately measuring the extent to which public sexuality and speculation about bodies permeated everyday sexual lives of women and men are clearly complex.

Historians constantly strive to comprehend the often unpredictable and ever-changing levels of sexual activity. So, how are we any closer to a resolution? It is necessary to once again try defining sexual excess in the context of the 18th century. If the documented sexual norm was heterosexual activity among men, one might seek such instances. There were certainly certain notorious Gentlemen's Clubs renowned for their presumed debauchery and sexual exploits. For instance, the 'Hellfire Club', founded in London in 1719, was rumored to be the center of wild parties as well as worshiping Satan or demons. Contemporary records mention female 'guests' or prostitutes, who were called 'Nuns', attending and departing from these gatherings.

Dashwood's Club meetings often involved satirical ceremonies, adult themes, drinking, engaging with prostitutes, and feasting (Ashe, 2000, p133). However, the members of the club actually encouraged

the spread of these rumors in order to shock the outside world, rather than engaging in particularly debauched acts themselves. Other clubs, especially those in Ireland and Scotland, were even more scandalous. In his book 'The Beggar's Benison: Sexual activity Clubs of Enlightenment Scotland and Their Rituals', David Stevenson provides an entertaining account of the licentious lifestyle. While the practices in these clubs may represent heterosexual norms, they also provided a space for individuals to explore their own sexual boundaries and gender within a community.

Both of these accompanying behaviors can easily be interpreted as sexual excess. However, gentlemen's ninepins, despite being popular in the 17th century, were not limited to that century. Perhaps what could be considered as sexual excess was more prevalent in the 18th century compared to the 19th century. The Victorian practice of covering the legs of grand pianos is a prime example of the sexual attitude during the latter century, as it was believed to be indecent.

Despite holding a contrasting view, this century had similarities with the eighteenth century. The eighteenth century was not completely accepting of its provocative culture. The four poems by Wilkes and Potter were famously the only erotic poetry to be read in Parliament before being banned, and the memoirs of Fanny Hill were condemned as the most indecent thing ever seen by London bishop Thomas Sherlock (Rennell, 2007). The intolerance of pornography at a governmental and religious level may indicate a narrow-minded attitude towards sex. Furthermore, many ideas developed in the eighteenth century were taken to extreme measures in nineteenth-century Victorian England. For example, the notion of women being domesticated and pure, as illustrated by the

two-sex model proposed by Laqueur, reached its peak in the nineteenth century.

According to Laqueur, in the nineteenth century, many adult females were limited to being "Angels in the house," forced to act as neutral beings without any sexual pleasure. During this time, there was a growing moral panic surrounding masturbation. As a result, various devices and innovations were created to prevent self-abuse. Laqueur suggests that this negative view of masturbation was influenced by the Enlightenment philosophy, which allowed societal attitudes to change and view masturbation in a new way. Furthermore, the nineteenth century also saw the development of different sexual categories and a more specific definition of the "normal" heterosexual male, which Laqueur believes is crucial to the eighteenth century's two-sex model.

However, in a subject that is capable of sudden and distinguishable alteration, placing a clear line of development presents numerous challenges. Not only does it critique the Laquerian narrative being examined, but it also questions the adequacy of historiographical methods in dealing with matters that rely on physical significance. Upon examining two-sex and one-sex models and changes in gender, it becomes evident that declaring the eighteenth century as a time of sexual surplus is impossible. Whether focusing on the sexual similarities or differences between men and women, erotica prominently addresses the roles of genders in sex by providing examples, guidance, and assistance. In fact, in the BBC Documentary 'Age of Excess', Matthew Sweet aims to demonstrate that the creators of this erotic enlightenment were discovering new ways to understand human subjectivity rather than being mere sleazy porn merchants. Thus, it appears that the abundance of the sexual partly stems from an abundance of ideas

about sex.

The concerns of many historians revolve around the sources that display a significant level of liberalism and freedom of sexuality, surpassing other centuries. Although the focus on female bodies is evident in the writings, these ideas are more closely related to contemporary discussions about men's bodies and genders. The writings are predominantly authored by men, as Harvey points out. Harvey argues that the majority of historical writings on gender primarily explore masculinity, neglecting the history of female sexuality. Consequently, this essay posits that the eighteenth century is not simply an era of sexual abundance, but rather a complex interweaving of ideas and definitions of masculinity, femininity, gender, and normalcy. It is impossible to determine the extent to which these notions influenced contemporary sexual behavior.

The presence of pornography does not imply sexual excess. Instead, the availability of pornographic materials tells a story of curiosity and exploration concerning the body, a concept that was relatively unknown at the time. The true understanding of sexual excess would require a deep scientific comprehension of the biological needs, intricate gender structures, and sexual desires of each individual body, which was simply not achievable in the 18th Century. While the 18th Century certainly exhibited sexual and bodily interest, it cannot be considered an era of sexual excess.