Transformation of Post-War Society: From Welfare to Mixed Economy

administration. Women have always been economically and ideologically influenced by state institutions that constitute the foundation of present-day welfare systems.

According to feminist theories of welfare, the welfare state presents a complex paradox. While it can offer women opportunities and the means to challenge societal norms and stereotypes, liberal feminists argue that historically, it has primarily represented male interests. Despite this, liberal feminists believe that women can penetrate the welfare state once they achieve sufficient representation.

On the other hand, radical feminists view men and women as separate classes with conflicting interests. They consider the welfare state a bastion of male power that reflects society's patriarchal nature and serves to dominate women. John Bowlby was commissioned by the World Health Organisation in 1951 to study material deprivation; his work reinforced assumptions about women being natural caregivers who should remain at home with their children. Post-World War II, this had significant influence in returning women to their traditional roles as homemakers after briefly joining the workforce.

The Beveridge Report established an ideology that laid out foundations for much of British policies since it assumed that women should leave work and return home.

(Shaffer 1998) Women played a vital role in maintaining the size of the labour force during a time when it was lacking. An economic survey in 1947 revealed the shortage and women were then drafted in to meet national production demands. Employers were encouraged to create conditions allowing women to balance domestic and economic responsibilities. (Rees 1992) To help with this, the Factories Evening and Employment Order of 1950 allowed for "twilight shifts" for housewives who needed to combine paid work with family life. (Rees 1992) During the

1970s, consensus politics broke down and there was increasing debate about the role and costs of the state. The Conservative party blamed the welfare state for the country's economic and moral decline, and believed reducing it would promote entrepreneurial drive, self-reliance, and self-help.

(King 1986 page 133; Jewson 1994) The Tory movement gained significant support by promoting the return to traditional family values, which centered around the belief that a standard family unit consisted of a married couple taking care of their children, with women as caregivers and men as providers and protectors. Any non-traditional households, such as single-parent or stepfamilies, were depicted as flawed, abnormal, or even posing a threat to conventional domestic life. Regrettably, this period was also characterized by numerous policy changes that negatively impacted women's interests across multiple sectors.

The expansion of community care had two main drivers. The government believed it would be cheaper to support people with additional needs at home rather than in state-run institutions, and this aligned with the New Right's view that women should serve as caregivers. The policy assumption placed the responsibility of care on women within families, leading to an increase in their domestic workload.

The demands of women's movements for state childcare, sexual autonomy, legal and financial freedom were ignored. Local authorities cut back on services such as home help, nursing, and staffing in residential care, which had a primarily female workforce. This had a negative impact on employment opportunities for women. The Equal Pay Act of 1976 was halted, and employment protection weakened by the 1980 Employment Act. The expansion of community care resulted in the closure of pre-schools and day nurseries, making it harder

for women to escape domestic labor. These policies led to increased stress and responsibility for women, contributing to their ill health. (Moore 1993)

Graham (1987) discovered that women's encounters with health care differ from men's due to variations in mortality and morbidity rates as well as the availability of health and social care. Gender roles, which are affected by social, cultural, and economic factors that influence women's lives, contribute to these disparities. Margaret Whitehead's 1992 version of 'The Health Divide' corroborates these findings from the Black Report of 1980, highlighting significant differences in health results between occupational classes and genders with a strong emphasis on major class differences. Despite all social classes having twice the risk of premature death for men, women are more likely to suffer from poor health.

According to www.doh.gov.uk, there is evidence indicating that women tend to experience inferior psychosocial health and receive anti-depressant prescriptions more often than men.

Blaxter (1990) found that women married to men in lower occupational classes have poorer emotional health, regardless of gender and occupation. The recommendations of the Black Report in 1980 were largely disregarded by the government, who instead emphasized individual responsibility for health. Social policies during the 1980s and 1990s aimed at promoting public health focused on addressing negligent behaviors of individuals.

In this passage, the topic at hand is the effect of political ideologies and social policies on public health in Britain. During the late 1980s, the Conservative party supported a "New Right" ideology that placed emphasis on individual responsibility for adopting healthier lifestyles. Despite government claims that Britain had become a "classless society," it became evident by 1990 that class disparities in mortality and health

patterns were actually growing wider. This was largely due to changes in benefit payments and welfare cutbacks which increased the likelihood of certain marginalized groups slipping through safety nets provided by social services. In an effort to address these issues, New Labour commissioned a report from chief medical officer Donald Acheson in 1997 which highlighted significant disparities still present within British society with regards to health inequalities.

Regarding women, the main recommendations included increasing social benefits for childbearing women, expectant mothers, and the elderly, as well as narrowing the gap in living standards by funding childcare facilities for lower occupational classes. Other measures proposed were reducing unwanted pregnancies, promoting breastfeeding, decreasing smoking during pregnancy, and improving health and nutrition. The overall goal was to decrease poverty in families with children by providing material support to parents and removing work barriers through affordable childcare. Additionally, benefits for women should be increased, and uptake of these benefits should be encouraged to further reduce poverty. The report highlights that gender, like socioeconomic status, shapes opportunities and experiences throughout life. Widespread psychological ill health is prevalent in disadvantaged women with young children while older women suffer from high levels of disability.

(www.doh.gov.uk.2002) The report highlighted the significance of having positive social networks and environment. Various policies have been implemented to foster a sense of inclusivity in society, thereby reducing instances of isolation, exclusion, and self-harm as well as curbing incidents of violence and crime.

(www.doh.gov.uk.2002) Acheson provided suggestions regarding employment as well.

According to the source at www.doh.gov.uk, the connection between unemployment and negative impacts on various aspects of society has been referred to as "the glue that keeps society together". The

suggestion to address this issue includes implementing policies to decrease unemployment, increasing investment in training, and prioritizing the promotion of psychosocial health within the workplace.

The investigation conducted in 2002 aimed to address the persisting health inequalities, mainly associated with socio-economic factors. The mortality rates for both genders across social classes have notably increased throughout the last two decades. (www.)

doh.gov.uk.2002) According to Scott (1998), the most commonly utilized measure of social class in official and sociological research is occupation.

Despite its description of the economic and social groups that emerge from structures like property ownership, production, and exchange, along with associated patterns of identities and interests (Crompton 1998), none of the existing classifications properly account for women. Even married women who work are often allocated to their husbands' occupational categories, while those who work full-time at home are treated as if they are only dependents of their husbands or male partners (Scott 1998). Goldthorpe 1983 notes that this may not accurately reflect their current resources and opportunities. When British sociologists refer to the working class, they usually mean people who are currently or previously employed in manual occupations. Therefore, "working class women" generally refers to their dependents or unmarried women employed in this type of work.

(Abercrombie and Ward 1995) Acheson's report emphasized the significance of strong social networks and a positive social environment. Research conducted on "working-class" communities has typically portrayed a picture of a closely-knit, supportive community with strong class solidarity, cooperation among coworkers and neighbors, and extensive community networks. However, (Abercrombie and Ward 1995) with changes in the occupational structure, traditional manual jobs in heavy industries have declined, and professional and

semi-professional jobs have increased. Fiona Devine (1994) studied the outlook and aspirations of the working class in Luton, some twenty years after Goldthorp and Lockwood (1969), who had stated that privatisation and instrumentalism had weakened communal and kin orientations among manual workers and their families, resulting in a more individualistic outlook. (Bulton et al 1981) However, Devine disagreed; she found that many families had migrated for better job security and living standards, and community and social networks took time to develop but eventually re-established after a period. (Devine 1994) Women's experiences with healthcare and health issues are related to their societal positions.

Women's health is predominantly influenced by poverty and deprivation, which is the primary factor affecting their well-being. Despite categorizing poverty among groups such as pensioners, single parents, the sick and disabled, women make up the most significant population in poverty. This fact often remains concealed. Additionally, urban deprivation and inadequate housing, longer life expectancy resulting in chronic illness and disability, and their role as caretakers (both paid and unpaid) contribute to women's overall health issues. (Moore 1993:270).

Moore (1993, p. 275) argues that the welfare state fails to effectively redistribute income and wealth from the rich to the poor, instead providing more assistance to those who are not in dire need. This inequality is evident in various domains such as health, economics, education, and housing. Reports like The Black Report and The Acheson Report (Alcock et al., 2000) confirm the limited impact of the welfare state. Within the EC over the past 25 years, social policy has been concerned with equal opportunities for women, migrants and people with disabilities. By leveraging equality issues as

a "battering ram," the Commission has broadened its reach to intervene in wider areas of social policy.

Moore (1993 page 206) identifies four key areas related to gender equality in the workplace: equal pay, equal access to employment and training, equal treatment for social security, and the provision of maternity rights, benefits, and childcare facilities. Legislative changes during the 1960s and 1970s aimed at tackling gender inequality in workplaces. The Equal Pay Act of 1970 was based on the principle that individuals of different genders performing similar or equivalent work should receive identical pay as well as have access to same employment terms and conditions (www).

The legislation highlighted by eoc.org.uk.2002 poses a major concern as a considerable proportion of women subjected to insufficient salary and working standards are part of sectors predominantly occupied by females who lack male counterparts for comparison.

The 1975 Sex Discrimination Act, which was amended in 1986, had a significant impact on preventing discrimination based on sex. Its widened definition of equal work specified that work of comparable value should receive the same pay, irrespective of whether it is performed by men or women in different positions (Moore 1993 page 206). Moreover, the Directive on Equal Treatment in 1976 ensured equal accessibility to employment opportunities and offered fair treatment regarding training, promotion and working conditions. The updated Directive also mandated equality within social security schemes such as sick pay and unemployment (Moore 1993 page 206). During the decade of the eighties, there was a major restructuring at workplaces.

According to Hakim (1992), the industrial structure underwent a transformation as manufacturing declined and the service sector grew. This shift resulted in a loss of male

jobs, while typically female jobs saw growth. The Women and Employment Survey demonstrated a noticeable shift in British society's attitudes towards women, with fewer people believing they should stay at home and an increasing number of lone mothers working out of necessity (www).

According to eoc.org.uk in 2002, the New Right Government targeted one-parent families, particularly single mothers, and accused them of causing a decline in moral standards and producing delinquent children. In response to the perceived welfare burden, they labeled them as state scroungers, reduced benefits, and closed numerous pre-school and day nursery facilities. This resulted in a poverty trap and made it nearly impossible for these individuals to return to work, as noted by Jewson in 1994.

(Jewson 1994) The New Labour Government has implemented several positive social policy measures for women based on the recommendations from the Acheson Report. This includes augmenting child benefits and providing higher funding for day care and after school clubs. To further this effort, the National childcare strategy was established in the 1997 budget to address childcare needs and employment policy. Additionally, measures have been taken to improve access to benefits with the promotion of healthcare strategies such as promoting breastfeeding, healthy eating, and reducing smoking through nicotine replacement therapy.

(www.doh.gov.uk2002)The employment sector has implemented new policies to provide equal opportunities for part-time workers, including the 43% who are women. This includes measures for parental and maternal leave, pay, and working conditions.

The Maternity Directive ensuring minimal rights for pregnant women has undergone revisions through the Maternity Regulations 1999 and the Statutory Maternity Pay Regulations 2000. Further improvements are expected in 2003, according to Moore (1993), as mentioned on www.org.uk

(2002). The low pay commission, established in 1997, was met with disappointment from labor unions due to the low rate set. However, the introduction of the minimum wage has greatly benefited certain groups of women such as those in part-time employment without formal qualifications, single mothers, and homemakers.

(Alcock et al 2000) Despite there being two-fifths of union members made up of women, there are no female general secretaries of unions with over 7,500 members, and unions themselves need to address issues of equality. (www.lrd.org.uk 2002) Despite legislation passed since 1970 regarding equality between genders, women workers in Britain still remain concentrated in lower-paid, unskilled positions with no significant improvements in opportunities or earnings.

The predominantly male legal system may result in unfair interpretation of laws, contributing to the lack of use of legislation that was passed due to its lengthy and costly nature. This lack of incentive for compliance with legislation by employers is especially harmful towards women who bear the consequence of government policies to keep public sector wages low since public sector workers are mainly female. This results in women being disproportionately affected, leading to gender being the key determinant in economic prosperity instead of an individual's skills and abilities. As a result, many women are still pushed towards low status, low-paying jobs, making married women reliant on their husbands' wages. (Moore 1993)

The gender divisions of labor have been shaped by cultural beliefs and historical processes. Although women have taken on more paid work, men have not increased their share of unpaid domestic labor, which limits the choices, needs, and aspirations of working-class women. Even though more women are employed,

the London Chamber of Commerce surveyed women in business and found that their health, relationships, and home lives suffer due to the increasing pressures they face. (source: www.eoc)

Org.uk2002 states that the modern welfare state has made efforts to address the needs of working class women, but mostly in response to pressure from organizations like the Equal Opportunities Commission and health reports. However, welfare policies still rely on certain assumptions that reinforce gender divisions in health and employment. Despite progress made towards improving women's employment opportunities, they remain disadvantaged compared to men in the workforce. National investment is necessary in strategies related to employment, education, and training for promoting wider opportunities for women and reducing gender inequality. Additionally, it is crucial to re-evaluate traditional gender roles and stereotypes regarding skills typically associated with one sex.

As per eco.ogo.uk 2002, unless society alters its perception that women should primarily assume household and childcare responsibilities, gender disparities in health and employment will continue to prevail. Bilton et al 1981 page 162 contends that there is no justification for imposing child-rearing duties solely on women, disregarding beliefs about maternal instincts. Achieving equal involvement from men would require significant changes in the work and home life organization, which few male employees or employers appear willing to undertake. Even though women have earned more over the past 25 years, substantial wage inequality still exists. The Equal Opportunities Commission assessed the gender gap in weekly earnings revealing that while an average man made ?247 during 1998–1999 period in UK, most women's earnings were ?119.

Even though equal pay laws have been in place for 30 years, women still earn less than men as

per a report by eoc.org.uk in 2002. To equip your daughter for her career, the poster campaign proposes giving her lesser pocket money compared to your son. Nevertheless, the Welfare State fails to sufficiently care for, safeguard or assist women as it ought to.

Social class and gender are the two main factors that dictate a person's life experience within our society.