The discourse of the rural idyll masks poverty and social exclusion Essay Example

may appear to be cohesive Gemeinschaft communities (Parr et al., 2004). Often seen as the result of limited disposable income or resources preventing participation in common daily activities, poverty is a prevalent issue.

According to Townsend (1979), disadvantage encompasses not only income or expenditure, but also culture. Furthermore, there is a relative aspect to disadvantage. As evidenced by the suicide of German entrepreneur Adolf Merckle after losing a significant portion of his $9.2 billion fortune during the current economic crisis (The Timesonline, 09/01/09), even those worth hundreds of millions of dollars can be affected. Conversely, a single mother who struggles to pay rent may feel financially stable if she inherits a few hundred pounds from a distant relative.

My father-in-law, a retired farmer living in Cumbria, has opted for a simple lifestyle. Despite his small cottage requiring extensive repairs and lacking basic amenities like central heating, he chooses not to spend money on improvements and does not feel deprived. It's important to distinguish between deprivation, poverty, and social exclusion. While deprivation refers to essential elements such as housing, food, and services that are lacking, poverty is typically financial in nature. Social exclusion encompasses broader societal dysfunctions that impede the integration of individuals and communities (Berghman 1995).

According to Shucksmith (2003), a macro-level approach is needed when studying social exclusion, which takes into account the processes that lead to it while recognizing the importance of the local context. While poverty is mainly concerned with distribution, social exclusion focuses more on relational issues, such as labor markets, lack of services, and social isolation, as well as political and structural barriers to opportunities. Millbourne (2004a) agrees that social exclusion offers

a more comprehensive way of looking at social problems related to poverty. However, the definition of social exclusion is contested, and there is no unanimous agreement on it.

Levitas 1999, as cited in Shucksmith (2003,1), contends that there are three approaches in competition with each other. The first is the "integrationist" method, where work is viewed as a vital force through work-based identities, self-worth, earnings, and networks. The second is the "poverty" approach, in which social exclusion is linked to benefit dependency and low income. The final approach is the "underclass" perspective, where the excluded are considered as uneducated deviants who lack morals and cultural norms of society. They are perceived as lacking aspirations, and their poverty is blamed on themselves, leading to a cycle of deprivation that can persist for several generations.

Levitas (1998) describes three approaches to social exclusion: 'no work', 'no money', and 'no morals'. Shucksmith (2003,2) cites Reimer (1998) and emphasizes the importance of distinguishing between the various dimensions of social exclusion based on how resources are distributed. Reimer identifies four systems that distribute resources: private businesses, state systems (including local and national government), voluntary systems (including the church and community support organizations), and family and friends.

According to Reimer (1998), the ability to access resources is crucial for a person's sense of belonging in society and is even considered the foundation of citizenship. Several studies (Shucksmith et al, 2000a, 2003; Cloke et al, 1997; Millbourne, 2004b) on rural areas within England, Scotland, and Wales have uncovered instances of social exclusion and poverty despite the seemingly affluent rural locations. A study conducted by Millbourne (2004b) on rural Wiltshire identified urban to rural

migration as a significant contributor to the issues of poverty and exclusion, especially with middle-class movements to rural areas.

Wiltshire, like the rest of the UK, has witnessed a considerable surge in rural property prices and rental values over the past two decades. This is particularly evident in regions that provide effortless accessibility to urban centers for daily commuters. As a result, numerous high-earning professionals are now the primary purchasers of rural residences, making them unattainable for others. Furthermore, there is an increasing demand for second homes among individuals seeking weekend getaways or extended vacations (as reported by Bevan et al., 2005). Additionally, there is mounting pressure on housing inventory from retirees who wish to settle down in rural areas.

According to some commentators, a rising number of affluent retirees are now opting to invest in property rather than pensions or stocks and shares, possibly due to tax advantages that can be gained by using a holiday home as a loss-making holiday let (Paris, 2007). Additionally, Milbourne's (2004b) research revealed that two significant factors motivate middle-class individuals to move to rural areas. Firstly, the appeal of rural space lies in its being anti-urban, as it is separated both spatially and socially from the negative aspects of urban living, including drug use, crime, and anti-social behavior.

The 'rural idyll' with clean air, green fields, and traditional close-knit lifestyles creates a positive perception of the rural space, which acts as a pull factor. However, second home ownership can lead to rural local communities feeling excluded and resentful (Paris, 2007). In fact, in 2005, a local protest group called ALL1 began vandalizing holiday homes in the Cumbrian seaside village of Haverigg.

This echoes issues faced in Wales in the 1980s, when the group Meibion Glyndwr burned down holiday homes owned by outsiders (The Times.co).

According to The Telegraph (co.uk, 23/06/07), PLAW2 and other groups have threatened holiday homes in the Kendall area. In a recent letter to the local paper, PLAW2 declared their objective to end the occupation of Westmorland by incomers, holiday home owners, and the encroaching leech-like scum of that ilk (The Telegraph.co.uk, 23/06/07).

The UK's housing problem has been exacerbated by the decline in social housing, which can be attributed to the 'right to buy' policy introduced by the Conservative party in 1980. Despite its initial popularity, this policy has resulted in lengthy waiting lists for social housing in both urban and rural areas, with over 80,000 individuals currently on such lists in Wales alone. Although there have been efforts made to restrict the 'right to buy' policy, including its implementation in Wales, it has still led to around 140,000 social housing units being purchased by tenants since its inception (BBC Wales 04/12/07).

Enhancing social housing levels is a multifaceted process, complicated by rural areas facing stricter planning regulations than urban areas. New developments also encounter funding problems because many developers are not willing to become social landlords, and some locals oppose them. Moreover, the individuals who require social housing are often underrepresented on planning committees, as councillors from dissimilar socioeconomic statuses are more probable to serve on them (Paris, 2007). To address this, certain councils have implemented policies that require developers to provide a portion of affordable housing in their new constructions. Furthermore, some councils have instituted local occupancy clauses (Paris, 2007). Nonetheless,

these policies also bring their own challenges.

According to Graham et al. (2009), some developers were unwilling to develop certain sites due to the marginalization of risk reward ratios, even in a rising market. While becoming a social landlord can have a medium to long-term financial impact, housing associations may purchase social housing from developers. However, the presence of social housing in a development can impact the marketability of private dwellings. To address these issues, schemes have been developed that primarily incorporate only social housing. Examples include Cerne Abbas in Dorset, Hovingham in North Yorkshire, and Barraclough Fold in Glenridding in the Lake District National Park3.

Rural businesses and services such as post offices, pubs, public transport, and village shops are facing pressure from affluent commuters and second home buyers who can easily shop elsewhere, according to Paris (2007). Millbourne (2004b) reports that a survey of rural services in Wiltshire showed a lack of amenities such as post offices in 50% of rural parishes, general stores or shops in 56%, general practitioner surgeries in 73%, daily bus services in 73%, banks or building societies in 91%, cash dispensers in 90%, and community internet facilities in 93%. These spaces previously served as gathering places for local communities, so their removal contributes to social exclusion (Millbourne, p. 3.1, 2004b). Other significant factors contributing to the demise of rural services include globalization, increases in car ownership, and internet expansion. The situation is especially dire in popular tourist destinations such as Coniston, Lowick, and Troutbeck in the Lake District, where nearly half of the residential buildings are second homes.

According to The Guardian Online (23/01/04), the lack of students can lead to

the closure of local rural schools, as seen in the case of Lowick primary school which closed in 2004 despite a high court battle. The government has recently proposed a scheme where planning permission will be required for second homes in high demand rural areas, as reported by The Times Online (02/03/08). This reduction in services has had adverse effects on individuals who cannot afford to own and run a car. The need for transportation in rural areas is crucial, and the absence of public transport or access to private vehicles can exacerbate social exclusion in several rural areas (Hine, 2000; Church et al.).

According to Hine (2000) and Shucksmith (2003), rural households without reliable transport links face significant disadvantage, including limited access to services such as shopping, banking, healthcare, education, and employment. The lack of a car can make these services even less accessible. Church et al (2000) found that the welfare state is not effectively reaching potential recipients in rural areas, resulting in low take-up of benefit entitlements compared to urban areas. Furthermore, accessing advice and information in distant urban centres is challenging, and individuals may not fully understand the benefits available to them.

To address the shortcomings of both markets and state, there was an increased reliance on voluntary organizations, as well as support from friends and family, according to Church et al (2000). However, this reliance on voluntary organizations was threatened by decreasing levels of volunteers, which could be attributed to migration and the loss of younger generations due to housing and labor market processes. This migration also resulted in the disruption of informal support networks, leaving older individuals socially isolated (Shucksmith,

2003). Breeze et al's (2000) research revealed that many rural-based jobs in sectors like agriculture and leisure were unregulated, unionless, and prone to low wages, casualization, and job insecurity.

The research discovered that rural jobs that pay low wages contribute to a culture of benefits trap, where individuals with children and of working age would face financial difficulties if they were to accept work at minimum wage levels. Such individuals are compelled to take into account both the loss of benefits like housing benefit and free school meals, and the additional expenses associated with work, such as transportation and childcare costs - which creates significant disincentives for them to accept low paid work. In contrast, single people living with parents and migrant workers find this type of work more feasible. To address the benefits trap, it is inadequate to solely concentrate on the supply side of the labour market; rather, the creation of higher-paid jobs of better quality in rural areas is necessary. (Milbourne 2007; Breeze, et al, 2000).

The focal point of this brief composition is to address the various factors that can cause poverty and exclusion in rural areas, particularly affecting those who are unskilled, elderly, young families, and children. The problems are constantly evolving, connected to the changes occurring in the global economy, and how it impacts the labor market both in urban and rural regions. Several rural areas that were once heavily reliant on primary industries such as mining require government assistance to rebuild their economies and create new opportunities. In 2000, the Rural White Paper put more emphasis on enabling and empowering individuals from rural communities to have greater autonomy over their

futures with “bottom-up” developmental approaches.

Despite the implementation of several schemes such as rate reductions for rural businesses, increased investment in rural public transportation, and the expansion of farmers markets, the governance of rural areas has changed (Shucksmith, 2003). This change resulted in a lack of integration among public, private, and voluntary sectors involved in rural governance, creating a "nobody in- charge-world." Consequently, these strategies remain effective only in isolated cases rather than providing a long-term solution to poverty and social exclusion in rural areas.