Corruptness, apart from HIV/AIDS, is the most ill-famed epidemic that has encumbered advancement and eroded the post-independence additions of many African states. This epidemic has destroyed the socio-economic fiber of many states and decreased 1000000s of people to destitution. Although many African states have declared HIV/AIDS 'public enemy figure one ' , few have accorded corruptness the same position. Zambia is one of the few sub-Saharan states that have officially prioritised the battle against corruptness, an epidemic that had seen most Zambians populating below the poorness line.
When Levy Mwanawasa assumed office in 2001 he instantly declared a 'Zero Tolerance Against Corruption ' . Consequently, he instituted an Anti-Corruption Commission to look into instances of corruptness and prosecute the perpetrators. All this gave the Mwanawasa authorities a facade of public answerability and good administration.
What makes this issue intriguing is the fact that Mwanawasa 's predecessor Frederick Chiluba declared Zambia a 'Christian State ' in October 1996, a declaration that was subsequently reaffirmed by Mwanawasa.[ 2 ]This declaration provided Pentecostalists a moral platform to perforate the state 's political domain and go a relevant societal force. Given the fact the Pentecostal individuality of Chiluba did non forestall corruptness, misdirection, etc. , all this turned to be a travesty.[ 3 ]It would look either that Chiluba merely exploited the support of Pentecostalists for sectional involvement ends or that Pentecostalists do non look to hold formulated a critical sentiment about administration.
The job this research will try to turn to is the state...
of affairs outlined in the preceding paragraphs, viz. , the verve and visibleness of congregational ethos in a corrupt environment. Pentecostalism in Zambia soon constitutes a major societal motion and Pentecostal spiritualty continues to impact 1000000s of citizens in assorted ways.[ 4 ]Pentecostal and magnetic folds are usually classified as hermeneutic/holistic folds whose rule and scheme is the Spirit and the ethos of the fold severally. Spirit-led or holistic folds are going an emerging field of survey within the broader context of congregational surveies. Such folds are centrifugal and focussed on the immediate community. Therefore, the community battle of holistic fold is called holistic ministry ( Stokes & A ; Roozen 1991 ) . In Zambia, the association and designation of hermeneutic/holistic folds ( in this instance Pentecostal & A ; magnetic folds ) with corrupt patterns and public functionaries has non been taken lightly by a batch of people. From this contextual information, the inquiry that instantly comes to mind is: How can a Pentecostal fold be a beacon of visible radiation within a corrupt community?
PROPOSED RESEARCH OBJECTIVES & A ; RESPONSIBILITIES:
This survey examines one Pentecostal fold with the purpose to supply insight as to how the civilization and contextual divinity of this fold relate to the battle against corruptness. This is non an geographic expedition on corruptness and Pentecostals per Se but on the nexus between trust, engagement & A ; rank in church folds, erosion/bonding of societal capital ( SC ) and corruptness. My research shall look into how congregational civilization helps determine one fold 's orientation toward corruptness behavior. The research shall concentrate o
the procedures involved in making and keeping a spiritual environment that affirms or rejects corruptness among its members and in the society, with an oculus to understanding how the fold is able to work as `` the salt of the Earth '' , enabling the fold to incorporate faith with the societal challenges confronting its members. Therefore, the research seeks to look into whether the battle against corruptness in the fold is seen as in/consistent with, or external/internal to, the fold 's moral and ethical traditions. This is an country that has been neglected in theological research, but one that certainly needs scrutiny, given the consequence of corruptness on the economic system and lives of the people in Zambia.
I shall concentrate on congregational civilization because, as Hendriks ( 2004 ) justly notes, congregational civilization and individuality is a gateway to understand a fold 's personality and civilization, how the fold manages alterations and passage and how the fold confronts hard theological and pastoral issues ( 2004: 106 ) .
Most surveies pay more attending to the societal webs and material resources that churches offer, while other surveies focus on the spiritual oratory manners of single clergy. This is peculiar true for surveies of black folds ( Pattillo-McCoy 1998:771 ) . These normally studied elements entirely, nevertheless, can non explicate how a fold is able to decide the sensed duality between a fold 's instruction and the practical challenges of moral erectness. Therefore, the cultural model of the fold must besides be considered. Analyzing the cultural theoretical account of a fold that is confronting the quandary of how to curate to people populating in a corrupt environment enables us to see the relationship between the fold 's contextual divinity and the job of corruptness.
In my research I shall utilize the Maranatha Pentecostal Assemblies Of God ( Maranatha PAOG afterlife ) in Kitwe, Zambia, as a instance survey to understand how this fold 's civilization and contextual divinity helps it to cover with the job of corruptness, and how it bridges the divide between the lives of fold members and the larger societal and political worlds. With mention to Maranatha PAOG the intent will be to:
Investigate how Maranatha PAOG in a local church puting engages with the internal and external corruptness, through an analysis of their patterns, prophesying and beliefs.
Explore Maranatha PAOG 's response to social and political inquiries and patterns of corruptness within a societal capital model ;
Reflect on the critical part Maranatha PAOG can do to Zambia 's battle against corruptness.
Enhancing the cognition on folds as investors in societal capital.
PROPOSED RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
The intent of the research is to look into the kineticss and complexnesss of the relationship between ( SC ) and corruptness in a Pentecostal fold. The research goes beyond simple description of the members ' perceptual experience of corruptness by researching the function played by the fold 's civilization and contextual divinity in the members ' attitude towards corruptness.
This has generated the undermentioned research inquiry:
How does the civilization and contextual divinity of a Pentecostal fold relate to the battle against corruptness against the background of societal capital?
In the context
of Maranatha PAOG fold I shall inquire four overarching inquiries:
As persons, how do the Maranatha PAOG members perceive and act on corruptness within and outside the fold?
What is the degree of corruptness within the fold? How crystalline and accountable is the Maranatha PAOG about fiscal resources?
What deductions could this hold for members ' perceptual experience and moving on corruptness within and outside the fold?
How make the people outside Maranatha PAOG perceive the fold 's patterns as respects corruptness?
Question one seeks to analyze single behavior in the face of corruptness and the direct effects of this flagellum on the hapless. This is of import because surveies by Mireille Razafindrakoto and Francois Roubaud ( 2007 ) have shown that `` the hapless, who are every bit sensitive as the remainder of the population to the condemnable nature of corruptness, are more frequently victims of corruptness in their everyday traffics with the disposal and the public services. Second, the poorest groups affected by corruptness tend to go demoralized and give in to it more easy '' ( Razafindrakoto & A ; Roubaud 2007: three ) .
Question two addresses the possible job of corruptness within the fold. Some folds have a batch of resources from members ' parts. Some of the curates live affluently and this has led to despondency within the folds. This is coupled by the deficiency of fiscal answerability and transparence. This phenomenon needs to be investigated given the fact that corruptness has become endemic in the public establishments in Zambia.
Question three is a continuance of inquiry two in the sense that it will look into the consequence on fiscal answerability on the members ' attitude towards corruptness. If there is no fiscal answerability in the fold what consequence does this hold on the members ' attitude towards corruptness? In other words the inquiry addresses the emic or the insider position of the fold 's answerability and degree of corruptness.
Question four seeks to detect the etic or the foreigner position of the fold 's answerability and degree of corruptness. How do the non-members view the fold 's battle with corruptness? Here the non-members refer to the people who do non go to the fold 's services and activities on a regular footing and whose commitment and trueness are outside the fold.
DEFINITION OF TERMS
Harmonizing to James Scott there are three types of definitions of corruptness: legal norms, public sentiment, and the public involvement. Public involvement attack - `` identifies improper behavior of the portion of the political or administrative functionaries as that which goes against the public involvement '' ( Sandholtz & A ; Koetzle, 2000 ) . In the public sentiment attack - `` public functionaries sacrifice the general involvement in order to favor specific groups in return for private wagess '' ( Sandholtz & A ; Koetzle, 2000 ) .
Heidenheimer provided the ground-breaking differentiation between definitions of corruptness that are `` public-office-centred '' , `` market centred '' , and `` public-interest centred '' ( Heidenheimer, 1989: 11 ; californium. besides Heidenheimer & A ; Johnston, 2002: 2-14 ) . Public-office-centred definitions of corruptness emphasise the misdemeanor of regulations by
functionaries and are legalistic by nature. Corruptness is seen as behavior that deviates from normal responsibilities or violates regulations ( Kupendah, 1995 ) .
Market-centred definitions of corruptness are based chiefly on principle-agent theoretical accounts. Corrupt state of affairss are those in which the involvement of a principal can non to the full command what the agent does ( Goldsmith, 1999: 866 ) . Corruptness is a rational behavior of maximizing net income by a public functionary.
Public- interest-centred-definitions of corruptness attempt to get the better of the lacks of the public-office-centred definitions and see corruptness as conflicting with common involvement. Here, society defines both corruptness and the public involvement. The critics of these theories claim that harmonizing to public-centred definitions, illegal actions can be justified if they promote the common involvement ( Anderson, 2002: 28 ) .
In my research I intend to analyze the perceptual experience of the members of Maranatha PAOG of corruptness within and outside the fold. A definition that emphasises merely the political/office/legal dimension of corruptness would non assist us understand why persons engage themselves in corrupt minutess.
Commenting on the World Bank 's definition of corruptness, Marquette and Singh lamented: `` There is no sense of the moral complexness environing determinations to move corruptedly or non ; so, morality has been stripped off from much of the modern-day argument about corruptness, as it has been from this definition '' ( Marquette & A ; Singh, 2006: 7 ) . Wright and Simpkins besides pointed out that `` corruptness is above all a moral job... ( Wright & A ; Simpkins 1963, in Marquette & A ; Singh, 2006: 7-8 ) . Williams concurs `` Before it became capable to the cogency of modern societal scientific discipline, corruptness was used chiefly as a term of moral disapprobation... '' ( Williams 1999, in Marquette & A ; Singh, 2006: 7-8 ) .
In this research corruptness will be understood as any activity motivated by private involvement, which violates the binding regulations of distribution which refers non merely to the missive of the jurisprudence, but besides to norms recognised as binding by society or the system 's official norms ( Tarkowski, 1989, in Onukwufor, 2006: 12 ) . Corrupt activities are besides those activities regarded by society as bastard and contradictory to the logic and values of the system.
Social capital is a comparatively new construct. Scholars from diverse backgrounds have researched it and as a consequence, there are many different definitions that reflect the subject and background of the research worker. There are three attacks that characterise surveies on societal capital. One is the egoistic or bridging ( external ) attack focuses on the benefits of each topic when come ining a set of interpersonal dealingss. Conversely, the sociocentric ( internal ) attack emphasises on the broader community ( Adler, Kwon, 2000. ) The egoistic attack dainties societal capital as a beginning of benefit that an person will derive by going a portion of some external web.
Social capital is frequently understood as the strength of relationships among the members of community, which is characterised by widespread common trust, corporate actions and
regard for ( shared ) norms. Engagement in societal and spiritual groups has been shown to cut down corruptness. Apart from that, societal capital can take to higher degree of sensed corruptness when it discourages trust and cooperation towards foreigners, and besides imposes peer force per unit area on the in-group members to reciprocate in a corrupt exchange.
My apprehension of societal capital is captured by Nan Lin when he defined societal capital as `` investing in societal dealingss with expected returns in the market place... In this attack, capital is seen as a societal plus by virtuousness of histrions ' connexions and entree to resources in the web or groups of which they are members '' ( Lin, 2001: 18 ) .
In his analysis of con textual divinity and the 'Emerging Church ' Roger Oakland reckons that if the fold wants to win `` the Bible has to be looked at through wholly different spectacless, and Christianity needs to be unfastened to a new type of religion '' ( Oakland, 2010, [ online ] ) . To some congregational leaders this means that the methods must alter lest the fold exposes itself to premature obsolescence ( Oakland, 2010, [ online ] ) . Describing the alterations taking topographic point in his fold, Doug Pagitt wrote:
At Solomon 's Porch, discourses are non chiefly about my pull outing truth from the Bible to use to people 's lives. In many ways the discourse is less a talk or motivational address than it is an act of poetry-of seting words around people 's experiences to let them to happen deeper connexion in their livesaˆ¦ So our discourses are non lessons that exactly define belief so much as they are narratives that welcome our hopes and thoughts and engagement ( Pagitt 2005 in Oakland, 2010, [ online ] ) .
The alteration that Pagitt is depicting can be called contextual divinity, `` that is, do n't utilize the Bible as a agency of divinity or mensurating rod of truth and criterions by which to populate ; and instead than hold the Bible mold the Christian 's life, allow the Christian 's life mold the Bible '' ( Oakland, 2010 [ online ] ) . Harmonizing to Scott Moreau one 's definition of contextualisation depends on whether one prioritises Bible over the cultural scene or frailty versa ( Moreau 2005 ; in Van Rheenen 2006: 3 ) . One who stresses Bible would specify contextualisation as the interlingual rendition of scriptural significances into modern-day cultural contexts. This means that the images, metaphors, rites, and constructs are used in such a manner that the message has an impact and can be understood by the people. In other words, `` the Bible must be thought approximately, translated into and preached in classs relevant to the peculiar cultural context '' ( Carson 1987 ; in Van Rheenen 2006: 4 ) .
When precedence is given to cultural puting contextualisation refers to the hunt for God 's message within the civilization utilizing the Bible as the usher. Harmonizing to Don Carson this apprehension of contextualisation `` assigns control to the
context ; the operative term is praxis, which serves as a commanding grid to find the significance of Bible '' ( Carson 1987 ; in Van Rheenen 2006: 4 ) . The intent of this enterprise is to detect what God is already making in the civilization and non to convey the Gospel message to the cultural context.
Harmonizing to David Hesselgrave and Ed Rommen contextualisation is:
the effort to pass on the message of the individual, works, Word, and will of God in a manner that is faithful to God 's disclosure, particularly as put Forth in the instruction of Holy Scripture, and that is meaningful to respondents in their several cultural and experiential contexts ( Hesselgrave & A ; Rommen 1989 ; in Van Rheenen 2006: 5-6 ) .
Harmonizing to Hesselgrave and Rommen contextualisation involves:
( 1 ) disclosure ( God 's communicating of ageless truth in human lingual and cultural classs ) ; ( 2 ) reading ( `` the reader 's or listener 's perceptual experience of the intended significance '' ) ; and
( 3 ) application ( including how `` the translator formulates the logical deductions of his apprehension of the scriptural text '' and how he `` decides to accept the cogency of the text 's deductions '' by wholly accepting it, accepting some parts and rejecting others, or superposing his ain significances upon the text ( Hesselgrave & A ; Rommen 1989 ; in Van Rheenen 2006: 6 ) .
Underscoring the importance of contextualisation, Dean Flemming said:
Every church in every peculiar topographic point and clip must larn to make divinity in a manner that makes sense to its audience while disputing it at the deepest degree. In fact, some of the most promising conversations about contextualization today ( whether they are recognized as such or non ) are coming from churches in the West that are detecting new ways of incarnating the Gospel for an emerging postmodern civilization ( Femming 2005 in Oakland, 2010 [ online ] ) ..
Congregational research is non precisely a new paradigm in research. It is a paradigm that has been steadily turning in springs and bounds since the 70s and late and is easy going cardinal in spiritual and theological surveies today. In recent old ages a batch surveies have shown that folds play a polar function in determining the single attitudes and the social values. Whilst the function of the folds in the society is incontestable, the procedure or the mode in which this takes topographic point depends on the societal, political environment of the fold. Each fold is alone and this uniqueness warrants a critical and disciplined survey of the fold 's life within and without.
Brynolf Lyon defines congregational surveies as `` the survey of the life of the local fold '' ( Lyon 2000: 257 ) . Harmonizing to Lyon congregational survey allows one to research how the fold works and worships. Congregational survey is more that a insouciant assemblage and testing of information about the life of a fold ( Carroll et. Al. 1986: 8 ) . In existent fact, congregational survey interruptions that routine or
natural assemblage of information ( Carroll et. Al. 1986: 8 ) . Congregational survey focuses on the external and internal turning points in the life of the fold. These turning points include among other things the demand for new ministries, new pastoral challenges, successes and failures of pastoral programmes etc. ( Carroll et. Al. 1986: 8 ) , `` In this manner congregational survey is a disciplined and critical expression at the fold 's life and ministry '' ( Carroll et. Al. 1986: 8 ) .
Nancy Ammermann ( 1998 ) lists the characteristics of folds as follows: ecology, civilization, resource and procedure ( Ammerman et. Al. 1998 ) . In my research I shall use these `` frames '' or `` lenses '' to the Maranatha PAOG fold.
The research will be instance survey on the Maranatha PAOG fold in Kitwe, Zambia. I have selected Maranatha PAOG as the individual instance survey for sociological grounds. Maranatha PAOG is situated in Kitwe non really far from Mindolo Ecumenical Foundation where I am learning. Again, Maranatha PAOG is one of the biggest Pentecostal folds on the Copperbelt. The Copperbelt Province is a mineral-rich part in north cardinal Zambia self-praise of one of the richest beginnings of Cu in the universe. The bulk of the towns in the part are associated with holding Cu mines and Kitwe is the 2nd biggest metropolis on the Copperbelt after Ndola.
Robert Yin describes a instance survey as `` an empirical enquiry that investigates a modern-day phenomenon within its existent life context utilizing multiple beginnings of grounds '' ( Yin 1989: 22-26 ) . Case surveies, so, are concerned with how and why things happen with particular focal point on look intoing the contextual worlds ( Anderson 1993: 152-160 ) . Anderson says that a instance survey is non focused on the full administration but on a peculiar issue, characteristic or unit of analysis ( Anderson 1993: 152-160 ) . Case surveies are used to research and look into peculiar phenomenon in-depth and holistically within its real-life through a contextual analysis of events or conditions and their relationship to other societal facts ( Patton 1987: 18-20 ) .
A instance survey has several advantages. First, it enables the research worker to derive a holistic position of a certain phenomenon or series of events... and can supply a unit of ammunition image since many beginnings of grounds were used ( Noor 2005: 1603 ) . Second, the scrutiny of the information is most frequently conducted within the state of affairs in which the activity takes topographic point ( Zainal 2007: 4 ) . Third, a instance survey provides an chance to understand the entirety of an single experience. Fourth, instance survey is besides utile when the research worker has little or no possibility to command or pull strings the events. Fifth, as Jonathan Pratt says `` instance surveies are really effectual in explicating the grounds for a job, the background of a state of affairs, what happened and why '' ( Pratt 2007: 23 ) .
Case survey is relevant to my research because it will help me to look into
how a peculiar congregational civilization and contextual divinity relate to the job of corruptness. My intent is to inquire the inquiries that lead to an apprehension of the nature and complexness of the procedures taking topographic point within the fold.
Guba and Lincoln contend that before sing the inquiry of research method one has to see the `` basic belief system or worldview that guides the research worker '' ( Guba & A ; Lincoln 1994: 105 ) . This inquiry is of import because different methods have different epistemic places. Harmonizing to Pratt, `` These `` basic beliefs '' are at best statements of religion... They are get downing points that dictate the usage of any methodological instrument '' ( Pratt 2007: 16 ) . The premises that most clearly reveal the basic beliefs that lie behind and back up the research are: ontological, epistemic, axiological, methodological, and rhetorical.
Ontological. `` What is the signifier or nature of world and, hence, what is there that can be known about it? ''
Epistemological. `` What is the nature of the relationship between the apprehender or manque apprehender and what can be known? ''
Methodological. `` How can the enquirer ( would-be-knower ) go about happening out whatever he or she believes can be known? '' ( Guba & A ; Lincoln 1994: 108 ) .
Axiology. `` What is per se worthwhile about this cognition? '' ( Herron & A ; Reason 1997: 7 ) .
My focal point fold is a fold that is in a place to hold an influence on the quality of life of the members of the local community. The most powerful tool for understanding congregational kineticss and that is applicable to understanding the experience of another is the qualitative-ethnographic research, specially, the instance survey methodological analysis.
Ethnography is a systematic survey of a peculiar group or phenomenon, based upon extended fieldwork. The foundational inquiry in descriptive anthropology is: What are the cultural features of this group of people or of this cultural scene? Since descriptive anthropology is originally an anthropological subject, the construct of civilization is really of import so.
In practical divinity it is understood as a manner of 'swimming ' in the theological and cultural Waterss of a people `` to acquire the undertones in the life of the community... '' ( Moschella 2008: 6 ) . Moschella says `` Ethnography as a pastoral pattern involves opening your eyes and ears to understand the ways in which people pattern their religion '' ( 2008: 4 ) . Analyzing the undertones of the community will non do them lessen but will merely do them less cryptic.
The other typical component of ethnographic research is its focal point on cultural-interpretation `` Cultural reading involves the ability to depict what the research worker has heard and seen within the model of the societal group 's position world '' ( Fetterman 1989: 28 ) .
Cultural reading is merely possible if informations is collected in natural scenes, that is, in fieldwork. Ethnographic fieldwork involves documenting people 's beliefs and patterns from the people 's ain position. Fieldwork attack is motivated by the belief that peoples '
beliefs and patterns can non be divorced from their context. This means that descriptive anthropology translators civilization from the emic or the insider 's position of world and besides from an etic or the foreigner 's or the external position. The ethnographer 's undertaking is non merely to include insiders ' significances, but to interpret these significances into constructs that can be understood by persons outside the society. James Spradley said that ethnographic research helps us understand `` how other people see their experience '' ( Spradley 1979: four ) . To carry through that end, Spradley continues, `` instead than analyzing people, ethnographic agencies larning from people '' ( Spradley 1979: 3 ) .
The chief tool in ethnographic research is observation. Ethnographic observation is more than gazing, watching or looking at a phenomenon. In ethnographic observation the research worker is 'interested ' in understanding and interacting with the phenomenon in order to understand the insider, or emic experience. Ethnographic observation is one of the most powerful tools in understanding congregational life ( Thumma 1998: 203 ) . `` This method allows the research worker to observe and take part firsthand in elusive gestural forms of interaction, symbolic rites, and power dealingss '' ( Thumma 1998: 203 ; californium. besides Bless & A ; Achola 1990: 86-87 ) . It besides provides a scientific reading of the `` plants '' and `` fruits '' of congregational life ( Thumma 1998: 203 ) .
Another ethnographic tool is the interview. As Moschella declared `` Qualitative interviewing is one of the trademark methods in ethnographic research '' ( Moschella 2008: 66 ) . Interviews are different from conversations in that they are non mere question-and-answer Sessionss. Unlike a conversation an interview is formal and has a intent and produces consequences that has societal value ( Swinton & A ; Mowat 2006: 64 ) . Harmonizing to Thumma there are structured-interviews, unstructured-interviews, schedule-structured interviews and semi-structured interviews ( Thumma 1998:206 ) . A structured interview takes topographic point when each inquiry is planned, written in progress and asked in precisely the same manner. In an unstructured interview the inquiries are general and they allow the respondent to be flexible in his or her answering. A schedule-structured interview is fundamentally a verbal questionnaire that asks a set of inquiries with a pick of a few fixed responses ( Thumma 1998:206 ) .
I shall trust on participant observation for informations aggregation, but besides collect informations through semi-structured and non-scheduled interview interviews that give a batch of freedom to the respondents to maneuver. I shall besides analyze the content of discourses and organizational paperss
Pentecostal and Charismatic motions constitute an of import portion of the socio-cultural lives of the Zambian people whose lives continue to go around round the claims of supernatural engagements in the state 's personal businesss. In fact, media studies about the activities of Pentecostal and Charismatic motions continue to rule the pages of the print media, and Pentecostalists continue to rule the electronic media with their activities: discourses, mending and miracle services, breakthrough programmes, etc.
Despite the big and turning influence of the Pentecostal
motion, there is comparatively small research available that gauges the influence of Pentecostal folds on Zambian public life. Specifically, there are no qualitative surveies on the political and civic positions of persons involved in these folds. I believe that the Pentecostal churches have an tremendous potency to act upon public morality among their members and in Zambia as a whole. It is this pursuit of seeking to turn up the function of faith in the SC procedure, - in furthering answerability and good administration - that has motivated this research.
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