Understanding advanced industrial societies Essay Example

He believed that religion played a crucial role in maintaining social cohesion in traditional society and suggested that in the emerging secular canon of the 'Organic' society, structural institutions would need to compensate for the decline of religion (Rojek ; Turner, 2001: 25-29). Although Marx challenges Functionalism in various aspects, his theory also aims to mitigate the negative impacts of change and achieve equilibrium through the communist order. The issue of fragmentation is evident in his interpretation of Hegel's notion of alienation, as the separation of individuals from their products intensifies with the fragmentation of the production process (Collins, 1988:102). Like Hegel, Weber's theories are influenced by Idealism, but he reevaluates Marx's ideas while recognizing the differentiation within both the ruling and the ruled classes (Bradley, 1992:14).

The text highlights Weber's concern regarding the trajectory of Modernism, particularly his critique of bureaucracy and the concept of the 'Iron Cage' (Collins, 1988: 467). I am discussing this topic because I believe that even in the era of 'Postmodernism', social theory still grapples with the crucial issues of the impact of change on solidarity. It is important to maintain a progressive approach to examine these issues. The progression of Capitalism has further intensified the fragmented direction influenced by the French and Industrial revolutions (Giddens, 1982: 4). The fundamental threat to solidarity persists, possibly exceeding the scope of theorists who initially addressed these challenges. Nonetheless, the fundamental Simmelian question of 'how is society possible?' remains a thought-provoking one (Rojek & Turner, 2001: 68). The text discusses Globalisation and its effects, including Flexible Capitalism, Consumer Society, and the potential end of the Nation State.

As an affiliate of various local and

international Green and Anti-Globalisation movements, I have a bias that will inevitably influence my presentation of this paper. The term Globalisation holds significant significance and carries multiple, often conflicting meanings. However, due to space limitations, I will focus on the key features most relevant to our discussion. On one hand, Klaus Schwab, founder and president of the World Economic Forum (WEF) and an economist, argues that Globalisation presents a unique opportunity to unite the world through a reformed version of modernism. This version emphasizes corporate social responsibility to ensure the sustainability of the liberal capitalist model (Schwab, 1999: TIME.com). On the other hand, Chomsky challenges the WEF's vision by directly stating that "In their New World Order, the world is to be run by the rich and for the rich".

The concept of the world system differs greatly from a traditional market. According to Chomsky and Schwab, "corporate merchantailism" is a more accurate descriptor (2003: 13). I have referenced both Chomsky and Schwab in my argument as they are influential figures on opposing sides. Chomsky is notably involved with the World Social Forum (WSF), which was established in 2001 in Puerto Alegre, Brasil as a direct opposition to the World Economic Forum (WEF) (Guardian.com). Despite their differing views, both Chomsky and Schwab agree that present times are marked by vulnerability (Schwab, 1999: TIME).

According to Friedman (2003:27), there is a common understanding of the discussed topic. In the 60s and 70s, Daniel Bell observed economic trends that indicated a major shift in the capitalist system. During the 1970s, the service economy experienced significant growth, compensating for the loss of industries to countries with lower labor costs.

In the

same way, white-collar work replaced manual labor, as predicted by Franceschetti (1995: 643). Dahrendorf also foresaw the decline of the ruling class and the rise of the managerial/professional class, with knowledge becoming the new center of power (Giddens 1982: 47). The theory of Post-Fordism predicted a shift in production processes towards flexibility through electronic technology (Franceschetti 1995: 643). This was evident in industries like printing, where digital technology streamlined processes and increased accessibility for both consumers and investors, leading to heightened competition. Senett argued that flexible capitalism has fragmented the workforce's collective experience and eroded their bargaining power. In the 90s, Miller, Slater, and Ritzer echoed the idea of a decline in the work ethic, advocating for a transition to a consumer society. Similarly, Gorz suggests that the leisure market is taking over as the central source of identity formation instead of the 'Work Ethic'.

(Rojek ; Turner: 159 -160). Marxist perspectives have challenged the concept of a 'break with the past' (Giddens, 1982: 48-50), but it is important to note that modern economies have become more flexible and unpredictable. Manuel Castells, influenced by previous thinkers like Touraine and Bell, conducted an impressive analysis of late capitalism. This analysis not only validates their earlier observations but also underscores their significance. Castells agrees with Bell's notion that knowledge holds importance, but he adds that 'Informational' knowledge now serves as the focal point of power. For example, Castells attributes multinational corporations' success in the global market to advancements in communication technology. Hence, those who control a 'switch point' within this network wield substantial power (Ibid: 164-166). Moreover, the consolidation of global financial markets has limited governments' ability to

exert control over their national economies.

Castells' study sets itself apart from previous ones by focusing on the political shift embodied in the fall of the Soviet Union. Within the framework of global financial networking and a state of relative international political unipolarity, Castells examines the decline of the nation state.

Castells challenges Weber's political theory by analyzing 'power nomads', individuals who control 'switch points' in the 'flow' of information. If Castells' predictions are correct, we may witness a system that increasingly depends on individuals who do not necessarily belong to traditionally powerful groups such as the wealthy, political parties, or those with high social status. These changes have a profound impact, particularly due to their rapid unfolding. According to Castells, we are navigating through social life without a clear roadmap because the new social, economic, and cultural conditions have not fully come together ('In a sense, one must conduct social life without a route map, because the contours of the new social, economic and cultural conditions have not fully cohered.' (Ibid: 160)). Cultural changes and urbanism are interconnected in shaping social transformation.

In the early works of the Chicago School, it has been argued that urbanism imposes impersonal social patterns on its residents (Park, 1915: 23-25). However, as the theory progressed, evidence emerged of communities and subcultures forming strong bonds based on shared needs or ideologies (Cohen, 1955: 48-50). Parsons took a similar view, emphasizing the qualitative potential in nuclear family relationships (Crowley, 1992: 93). Giddens also explores the intensity of emotional connections in "Pure Relationships". These concepts suggest that fragmentation can actually lead to richer interactions. While it may strip individuals of institutional solidarity, fragmentation fosters

strong cohesion at a personal level, whether it be emotional, ideological, or otherwise.

The Birmingham School's interpretation of Gramsci suggests that these solidarities are limited to their immediate bond and exist as enclaves within a larger structural context (Brake, 1985: 3-10). Adorno supports this idea by arguing that the perpetuation of the status quo is achieved through 'Commodity Fetishism' in the 'Culture Industries' (Edgar & Sedwick, 1995: 108). This concept reminds me of Baudrillard's notion of 'Simulacra', although I disagree with his belief that change is impossible (Haralambos ; Holborn, 1988: 909-912). Instead, we should explore possibilities for a new order and find a way out of this dilemma. As previously mentioned, there seems to be widespread agreement that our current era is characterized by vulnerability.

Environmental decay, pandemics, and the possibility of widespread death and the escalating conflict between the Mc World and Jihad are all signs of a profound crisis. Foucault acknowledged this crisis in his work, but he only considered it from the perspective of the Modernist problem. We cannot ignore the fact that we may be at a crucial moral and transcendental crossroads in human history (Van Dusen Wishard, 2003: 6). However, we also face a concrete material crisis that Postmodernism, with its rigidly 'Idealist' approach, cannot adequately address. 'By rejecting the Enlightenment ideals of human emancipation, postmodernism not only passively accepts repression but actually contributes to the reproduction of repressive practices' (Edgar & Sedwick, 1995: 101). Beck argues that in the 'Risk Society', we must focus on the current material challenges (Rojek & Turner, 2001: 41). Brian Turner and Chris Rojek (Ibid) present a compelling social theory based on the vulnerability of

human embodiment.

Incorporating the existential concerns of Heideggar and Husserl, it is postulated that being in the world is a sensuous experience. The interaction with the environment leads to the necessity of a materialist analysis of the social, as pleasure and pain rely on this interaction. Additionally, being is a social phenomenon that requires existential reflection. The tension between being and society arises due to the frailty and transience of life, as well as the vulnerability of the institutions created to protect against these qualities, making them susceptible to unintended consequences.Regarding this foundation, the humanist conception of citizenship is reintroduced, providing a basis for global discussions across various aspects such as politics, economy, and society, including human rights and welfare. Giddens' and Beck's exploration of 'Life Politics' becomes relevant in envisioning increased social and political empowerment in a post-work society.However, Hochschild's concept of the 'Time Famine' challenges the notion of increasing discretionary time that forms the foundation of 'Life Politics' for contemporary individuals (Ibid: 170-179).This critique suggests that in order for micro-politics to be achievable, a radical approach is necessary, as our lack is not in technology or economy, but in the system itself. Rojek and Turner are critical of radical theorizing and instead present their theory as a compromise with late Capitalism. They appear to interpret Castells' analysis as supporting the perestroika's findings.

According to the source (Ibid: 170-179), it can be argued that capitalism has emerged as the victor. However, I counter this by referencing Gorbachev's call for an alternative system on February 6, 2004 (www. barcelona2004) during the pre-Forum debates for the Forum Barcelona 2004 (FB2004). I believe that a significant shift in direction

is not only possible but increasingly necessary. Chomsky eloquently states that there is an abundance of valuable social and humanitarian work to be done, with numerous individuals eager to contribute. However, the current economic system fails to allocate such work to those in need.

The concept of "economic health" prioritizes profit over the needs of the people (Chomski, 2003: 14). In order for empowerment to occur, micro politics requires more inclusion of the social actor, going beyond the statement that 'Where there is power there is resistance...' (Foucault, 1980). It is time to extend democracy to the economic realm (Maheshvarananda, 2003). Perhaps we don't just need a radical shift in production relations as advocated by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto. Instead, we should also shift our focus on currency, allowing the fulfillment of profound human needs such as transcendence and connectedness.