Problems Associated With Large Scale Agrofuel Projects Sociology Essay Example
Problems Associated With Large Scale Agrofuel Projects Sociology Essay Example

Problems Associated With Large Scale Agrofuel Projects Sociology Essay Example

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  • Pages: 17 (8829 words)
  • Published: August 7, 2017
  • Type: Case Study
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Indeed the above quotation mark is one of the groundss of the many jobs associated with large-scale agrofuel undertakings. Research conducted by many writers some of which include the plants of Borras Jr. et Al. 2010, 2011 and 2012, White and Dasgupta 2010, Schoneveld et Al. 2011, Tsikata and Yaro 2011, Tandon 2009, Ngowi et Al. 2012, Julia and White 2012, German et Al. 2011, among a host of others, have pointed to many jobs associated with large-scale agrofuel production. Some of the jobs include the impact on local supports and nutrient security, land grabs, entree to land and evictions every bit good as environmental debasement and the Kpachaa community in the Yendi Municipal Assembly of Northern part in Ghana have had their portion of the jobs as indicated in the above quotation mark.

Agrofuels ( 'biofuels ' ) by definition are considered as "organic primary and/or secondary fuels derived from biomass which can be used for the coevals of thermic energy by burning or by other engineering '' ( FAO-UWET, 2001 ) . The term Agrofuel was coined by the International Peasant Movement La Via Campesina as a preferred term to 'bio'-fuel to reflect its true nature which is agro-based. The motion problematised the usage of the term 'bio ' by boosters as an effort to green wash agrofuels as a 'sustainable ' fuel option. The term has since come to be used to depict fuel from nutrient and oil harvestsgenerated through big agro-industrial production procedures. In this paper the term agrofuel is used in topographic point of 'bio'-fuel because the paper is concerned with large-scale agrofuel produ


ction of Jatropha curcas[ 2 ]in Northern Ghana.

In the last two decennaries agrofuel has gained increased attending within the development discourse and arguments. Arguments on agrofuels have been enormously politicized with two schools of idea highly opposed to each other ruling the arguments. One group ( advocates of agrofuels ) positions agrofuels as a Panacea for the solution of energy jobs, clime alteration, and agricultural and rural development issues. On this side of the argument are largely OECD states like the USA, and the EU, and late China every bit good as corporate and fiscal establishments among others ( Mol 2007, Cotula et al. 2008 ) . The 2nd group largely international NGO 's similar Biofuel Watch UK, Oxfam, ActionAid international, Friends of the Earth ( FOE ) among others opposing it by pulling attending to the negative effects ' . A 3rd place largely of intergovernmental administrations like the FAO who see agrofuels as an chance but besides see the negative sides of it ( White and Dasgupta, 2010: 594 ) .

The optimistic position of agrofuels has led to many developing states peculiarly sub-Saharan African states like Mali, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Tanzania, Mozambique, among others going finishs for foreign capital enlargements for the cultivation of agrofuel harvests like Jatropha curcas. These states like many other developing states have been argued by advocates to hold a comparative advantage in footings of agriculture in the signifier of big piece of lands of lands that are either 'unused ' or 'marginal ' and suited

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clime every bit good as inexpensive labor for the agrofuel cultivation ( WB-WDR, 2008 ) . It is besides argued that the development of agrofuel as agriculture will supply employment and excite rural development pieces cut downing green house gas emanations ( Ibid. ) .

White and Dasgupta, 2010 argue that this sort of thought is what has drawn authoritiess of developing states who are looking for a solution to their agricultural and energy security jobs into the agrofuel cyberspace ( White and Dasgupta, 2010: 596 ) . In a intelligence publication on Ghana Business News online on May 11, 2009, Emmanuel K. Dogbevi besides writes that one of the factors that put Ghana on the list of states with high potency for agrofuel production is the claim that big production can be done at a low cost[ 3 ]. The optimistic position has led to the rapid enlargement of agrofuels in developing states Ghana included.

Following the optimistic position and the development of agrofuels in developing states, recent old ages has seen a rapid addition in literature oppugning the optimistic position and raising concerns about the deduction of planetary capital and large-scale agrofuel enlargements ( White and Dasgupta 2010, Borras Jr. et Al 2010, 2011 and 2012, Julia and White 2012, Ngowi et Al. 2012, Tsikata and Yaro 2011, Williams et Al. 2012, Schoneveld et Al. 2011, German et Al. 2011, FoodSpan and ActionAid Ghana 2010, etc. ) .

Some of the concerns raised include the impact of such large-scale agrofuel production on nutrient security, on the environment, poorness and supports among others. Several grounds have contributed to the concerns raised about agrofuels. Falling universe nutrient militias taking to additions in nutrient monetary values and the challenges confronting the agribusiness sector peculiarly in developing states have been the chief grounds for these concerns. These are legitimate concerns because nutrient production is likely to confront serious competition with agrofuels non merely for land but besides for market. Food harvests like Maize, soya beans and maniocs are staple nutrient for many developing states. These harvests are besides used to bring forth oil and ethyl alcohol which is converted to agrofuels and this will probably increase the monetary value of these harvests therefore worsening hungriness in these states.

An of import concern and peculiarly for this paper, is how large-scale agrofuels affect adult females 's supports in rural countries. The response of the adult females above reflect some of the thoughts espoused by many writers on the assorted dimensions of impacts of capital enlargements through agrofuels on many rural communities peculiarly adult females, in developing states where these undertakings are being undertaken ( See Julia and White 2012 ; Mutopo and Chiweshe 2012 ; Ngowi et Al. 2012 ; Rossi and Lambrou 2008 ; Tandon 2009 ; Tsikata and Yaro 2011 etc. ) .

Agrofuel undertakings like other big scale agro-industrial undertakings have gendered deductions for supports and poorness decrease. Work force and adult females are affected otherwise by such big graduated table undertakings. Womans in peculiar are more frequently than non affected by such large-scale undertakings because they frequently lack entree to dependable land, secure

land term of office and customary land rights and peculiarly in most African states ( Behrman et al. 2012, ActionAid 2012, FAO-SOFA 2010-11, Razavi 2003, etc ) .

Meanwhile land is a really of import resource for adult females 's supports because it provides them with indispensable trade goods like nutrient, fresh fish, fuel wood among others. As such any alterations in land usage affect adult females 's supports and frequently lead to alterations in family kineticss ( Behrman et al. 2012, Rossi and Lambrou 2008, Apusigah 2009 ) . Many of the writers have discussed how agrofuel enlargements are displacing many rural adult females in developing states.

Following from the above, this paper is concerned with how adult females 's supports are affected and examines the assorted signifiers of eviction associated with large-scale agrofuel production that impacts of adult females 's supports in Kpachaa in Northern Ghana pulling analysis from a Feminist Political Ecology Perspective ( FPE ) . A FPE inquiries the gender dimensions of issues such as poorness, societal justness, political relations of environmental debasement and preservation, the neoliberalism of nature and ongoing unit of ammunitions of accretion, enclosure and eviction ( Elmhirst 2011: 129 ) . It is of import non merely to oppugn the gender dimensions of agrofuels but more significantly utilizing the experiences and concerns of adult females as the footing for research ( Brayton, 1997 ) . Thus the paper seeks to understand this through the state of affairs, concerns, experiences and positions of adult females in Kpachaa and how these intersect with power dealingss and inequalities at the local and the planetary degree. This sort of exercising is of import to convey into the critical arguments on agrofuels the existent experiences positions of adult females at the local degree.

The intent of this paper is to analyze the impact of large-scale agrofuel production on adult females 's supports through an apprehension of how the local power kineticss in relation to set down term of office provided a farther land for the incursion of planetary capital to dispossess adult females and work forces in Kpachaa. By so making the paper aims to lend to critical arguments on agrofuels and the deduction for adult females 's supports in Ghana.

Research Question:

  • The survey is hence concerned with the chief inquiry: How has large-scale agrofuel production affected the supports of adult females in Kpachaa?
  • What kinds of displacement/dispossessions if any have occurred in Kpachaa and how are adult females affected?
  • What are the deductions of such evictions for adult females 's supports and nutrient security?
  • How make local degree political relations intersect with political relations of agrofuels at the national degree and planetary degree to form and transform the rural landscape that influence the eviction of adult females?

Choice of the Research Area

The grounds for this survey was drawn from Kpachaa community in the Yendi Municipal Assembly of the Northern part of Ghana. Kpachaa was selected foremost and first because the first large-scale agrofuel undertaking that survived beyond one twelvemonth was located in this community. This undertaking attracted a batch of attending from NGOs ( e.g. ActionAid Ghana, FoodSpan, RAINS

) and research workers who have all researched into the impact of the large-scale land acquisition for the undertaking on the nutrient security and land term of office security of the people of the community. In position of the work already done in this community, it provided a good to happen out what and how adult females in this community have been affected.

Research Methodology

A instance survey methodological analysis was employed to understand how the debut of large-scale agrofuel production and the end point land usage alteration affects the supports of adult females and work forces in the community. Using a instance survey in researches of such nature allows for an in-depth apprehension of the phenomenon being studied ( Yin, 2003 ; 2009 ) .

A combination of both quantitative and qualitative methodological analysiss was used to roll up informations for the instance survey. For quantitative methodological analysis the research worker made usage of available quantitative/statistical informations related to the research country. Quantitative informations like the population size, sex, family composing, natural resources allotment and usage ; types of harvests cultivated were collected to back up the instance survey. Qualitative tools like cardinal informant interviews, focal point group treatments, and direct observation were used to research the worlds of adult females and work forces in Kpachaa.

The field work took topographic point within a period of three hebdomads from August 7-26, 2012. Questions were administered to community members ( both adult females and work forces ) who agreed to speak to me through a research helper who besides acted as a transcriber. The inquiries were semi-structured runing from issues of beginnings of supports ; land ownership and usage ( including the procedure of land acquisition in the community ) , to employment on the undertaking, benefits of the undertaking to the persons, family and to the community and endurance schemes.

Overall, 51 people ( 32 females and 19 males ) were interviewed in two different communities. 11 of the females and 11 males interviewed were from the survey country ( Kpachaa ) and 21 females and 9 males from Kparigu in the Mamprusi West territory where the EU is funding husbandman group based Jatropha undertaking to enable a comparing. Interviews were besides conducted in 4 institutions/organisations ( Ghana Energy Commission, ActionAid Ghana, RAINS, Lands Commission. The undertaking director of the agrofuel company was besides interviewed in order to understand the kineticss of agrofuel development in Ghana and the undertaking country for that affair

The survey besides employed a critical analysis of narrations on agrofuels within planetary arguments through literature reappraisal to augment findings from the field for a better apprehension and to analyze the connexions between corporate capital and the altering landscapes in rural northern Ghana and how this is impacting on adult females.


Before I go into the challenges faced during the field research I must first province that the research procedure has been truly insightful, stimulating and educating. For case I have learnt new things from the adult females in Kpachaa that I antecedently took for granted or ne'er considered e.g. types of trees that can be harvested for fuel wood and wood coal

and assortments of black berries. These are larning points for me because coming from the part though from a different portion I grew up picking fruits like shea fruits, Mangifera indicas and blackberries but ne'er knew that some of the blackberries are non comestible.

I merely got to cognize this during my conversation with some of the adult females from Kpachaa when they were speaking about the trees that were cleared to do manner for the undertaking and the importance those trees had for them. This point will be illustrated further in the paper under the treatments of the findings.

Now coming back to the challenges faced, I set off to Ghana for informations aggregation non cognizing precisely what and the extent of the challenges to be encountered in the community though at the initial phases of readying for the research some possible challenges to be encountered in the field were envisaged. But nil prepared me for the challenges I met in the field. To get down with, my reaching coincided with the decease of the President of Ghana His Excellency John Evans Attah Mills and for the following two hebdomads it was impossible to acquire assignments with any authorities office or functionary for interviews.

After two hebdomads in Accra the capital with small success, I decided to travel directly to the survey country to roll up informations for the survey. The research period besides happened to hold coincided with the Muslim fasting period and the raining season which is besides the agriculture season. It was therefore hard to acquire the community members to interview. My initial programs of one large community meeting and so concentrate group treatments were shattered when I was informed by the adult male who assisted me in the community entry that the community members have had sufficiency of such meetings.

Harmonizing to him since the agrofuel undertaking began, the community has been bombarded by the media, research workers from educational establishments and NGOs both foreign and local to the extent that they no longer want to be interviewed once more. He added that if that was what I wanted he could non assist me and was non even willing to because he said the people will diss him when he tries to garner them. After persuasion through the local linguistic communication he agreed to help me speak to some persons who will be willing to allow me one on one interviews.

In the terminal I was able to interview 22 people from the Kpachaa community, 11 adult females and 11 work forces ( For the work forces 5 single interviews were conducted and one focal point group treatment for 6 work forces ) . Most of the interviews were conducted in the places of the interviewees and the interviews with the adult females were conducted pieces they were cooking or executing some family jobs. The 22 people were indiscriminately chosen based on their handiness and willingness to allow an interview. Attempts was made non to biased in the pick of interviewees by inquiring my usher to guarantee that I talk to as many adult females and work forces as possible

including those who were employed by the undertaking and those who were non. The thought was to compare the responses of both sides to extinguish possible prejudices.

Another challenge that was encountered and was non anticipated was the trouble in acquiring the regional subdivision of the Ministry of Food and Agriculture ( MOFA ) a cardinal histrion in the development of agrofuels in Ghana to allow me an interview. The procedure of acquiring to speak to the officer in charge was bureaucratic. I was told I had to travel through the regional manager first before I could speak to the officer in charge and the regional manager was ne'er around anytime I visited until my clip in the field was up and I had to go forth. In position of these challenges, my findings are limited and do non include the positions of many of the adult females in Kpachaa and that of the MOFA.

Scope and Restrictions

This paper is limited to treatments within the Agrofuel arguments and in peculiar on issues of the impact of large-scale agrofuels in relation to local supports, land grabs and entree to set down on adult females garnering grounds from Kpachaa in Northern part of Ghana. The research relies to a great extent on the usage of qualitative informations and is non wholly representative of all adult females in Kpachaa. However the findings from the few adult females interviewed is augmented with other research findings from Boamah 2010, Tsikata and Yaro 2011, Schoneveld et Al. 2011, and Williams et Al. 2012 in the same country but on different facets for analysis.

It is besides limited to findings from Northern Ghana as such the findings from the research can non be generalised to other context unless the context portion similar features as the undertaking country but even with that people experience things otherwise and one 's experience of a phenomenon can non be transferred to another context. Hence, the findings in this paper are context and situational particular and it does non try any generalizations. Further surveies in different contexts will be of import to understand the impact of large-scale agrofuel undertakings on adult females at different graduated tables, infinites and geographical locations.

Administration of the Paper

This paper is organised into five chapters. The first chapter is the introductory chapter. Chapter two discusses the theoretical model within which the research and the discourse on Gender and agrofuel are situated. In chapter three I provide an overview of and analysis of the undertaking and policy context. Chapter four provides a elaborate analysis through instance survey of how a large-scale agrofuel undertaking has impacted on adult females and work forces in a rural community which 's mainstay/source of supports is depended on agribusiness and the benefits of the natural resource available to them in Northern Ghana. The concluding chapter concludes the paper by telling what the research set out to make and what the findings are and will do an effort at proposing countries that needs farther research.

Feminist Political Ecology Perspective ( FPE )

As already indicated, this paper is concerned with how adult females 's supports are affected through an scrutiny

of the assorted signifiers of eviction associated with large-scale agrofuel production that impacts of adult females 's supports pulling grounds from Kpachaa in Northern Ghana. A FPE inquiries the gender dimensions of issues such as poorness, societal justness, political relations of environmental debasement and preservation, the neoliberalism of nature and ongoing unit of ammunitions of accretion, enclosure and eviction ( Elmhirst 2011: 129 ) .

research ( Brayton, 1997 ) . Thus the paper seeks to understand this through the state of affairs, concerns, experiences and positions of adult females in Kpachaa and how these intersect with power dealingss and inequalities at the local and the planetary degree. This sort of exercising is of import to convey into the critical arguments on agrofuels the existent experiences positions of adult females at the local degree.

The field of Feminist Political Ecology ( FPE ) emerged a sub-framework within Political Ecology when feminist Geographers began to oppugn the gender dimensions of the issues raised in Political Ecology as mentioned above. It is from these originating inquiries that the model emerged through the work by Rocheleau, Thomas-Slayter and Wangari in 1996 in their landmark aggregation titled `` Feminist Political Ecology: planetary issues and local experiences.

FPE focuses on gender as an of import variable in how entree to and command over resources are shaped, how it interacts with category, caste, race, civilization and ethnicity to determine procedures of ecological alteration, the battles of adult females and work forces to prolong ecologically feasible supports and the chances for sustainable development for any community ( Rocheleau et al. 1996 ) . The writers in their landmark work identified three common subjects that surfaces repeatedly in different cultural and ecological contexts: gendered scientific discipline of endurance, gendered environmental rights and duties and gendered environmental, political and grassroots activism ( Ibid: 6-7 ) . They hence called for a multi-scale analysis of these subjects. Since their landmark publication, many writers have been inspired and have expanded their initial call to include issues of gender, nature and power in different contexts ( Hawkins and Ojeda 2011 ) .

Though many of these plants harmonizing to Rebecca Elmhirst do non self describe as FPE they however fall within the FPE model by virtuousness of the issues they discuss ( Elmhirst 2011 ) Some of these plants include aggregations of articles in the fourth issue of volume 16 of the diary Gender, Work and Place by O'Reilly et Al. ( 2009 ) , the work of ( Razavi, 2003 ; Agarwal, 2001 ) among others. More recent works harmonizing to Hawkins and Ojeda ( 2011 ) , have paid more attending to how gender connects to individualities, through mundane interactions in different infinites, locations, graduated tables and the significances and apprehensions about the environment ( Hawkins and Ojeda 2011 ) .

Taking this farther, Truelove ( 2011 ) , composing on H2O inequalities in the urban scene in her article 'Re-Conceptualising H2O inequalities in New Delhi India through FPE ' argues that FPE is good positioned to complement and intensify urban political ecology work through go toing to mundane patterns and micro-politics within communities. She

discusses how H2O inequalities are produced through day-to-day patterns that are besides productive of, gender, category and other societal power dealingss ( Truelove, 2011: 143-144 ) .

Again, Sultana ( 2011 ) brings in another dimension of emotional geographicss by reasoning that "resource battles and struggles are non merely material challenges but emotional 1s, which are mediated through organic structures, infinites and emotions '' ( Sultana, 2011: 163 ) . In kernel these two writers puts across the position that the battle for resources ( entree and control ) are non merely negotiated by societal dealingss of power but besides through incarnations and emotions of people, topographic points and resources.

Another facet of FPE echoed in the work of Rocheleau et Al. ( 1996 ) is the attending to the connexions between planetary, national and regional political relations and the lived experiences of adult females and work forces at the local degrees ( global-local linkages ) . This has been carried frontward besides by writers in the aggregation 'Women and the Politicss of Place edited by Harcourt and Escobar, ( 2002 ) and Hawkins, ( 2011 ) ; Truelove, ( 2011 ) etc. For case Harcourt and Escobar ( 2002 ) , in their debut to the diary aggregation on 'Women and the political relations of topographic point ' discusses how the interconnection of people to planetary procedures should non needfully be seen as a good or bad thing but as a procedure that can be both strategic and descriptive, oppressive and potentially transformative ( Harcourt and Escobar, 2002 ) .

Roberta Hawkins ( 2011 ) links planetary procedures to local experiences in her work on ethical ingestion from a feminist position. Her article titled 'One Pack= One Vacine= One planetary maternity? A Feminist Analysis of ethical ingestion ' , examines a commercial aired in North America on pampers and how a purchase of the specially pronounced pampers in North America helps babes in demand in the universe ( universe depicted by African, Asian and Latin American adult females ) , and how single ingestion picks in developed states are linked to development pieces at the same time delinking ingestion from environmental debasement, wellness and planetary inequalities ( Hawkins 2011 ) . She argues that such narrations of 'First World adult females ' and 'Third World adult females ' as depicted in the commercial renders certain North-South power kineticss unseeable pieces foregrounding others ( ibid ) .

Following the Literature on FPE, issues that run through and are of import to take forward the analysis in this paper are the battles over resources i.e. entree and control over land and natural resources looking at how adult females 's battle for entree and control over land and natural resources usage are mediated by the complex relationship between societal power dealingss at the local degree and the political kineticss at the national and planetary degrees through a large-scale agrofuel production that dispossesses adult females in different ways.

Literature Review of the Different Debates on Gender and Agrofuels

As already mentioned in the debut, lifting oil monetary values over the last decennary has led to increased concern peculiarly by

developed states like the USA and states in the EU over their future energy security. This has led these states and many others in emerging economic systems like Brazil to force for the development of 'renewable ' energy beginnings like agrofuels to work out their hereafter energy demands. Another concern that has led to the push for 'renewable ' energy is the rapid additions in clime alteration. 'Renewable ' energy beginnings like agrofuels are seen by advocates like the World Bank as clean beginnings of energy that can assist extenuate clime alteration through a decrease in emanations of nursery gases as agrofuels emit less gases than fossil fuels ( World Bank WDR, 2008: 70 ) .

Harmonizing to the World Bank World Development Report 2008, agrofuels provides 'big markets for agribusiness ' . The study argues that the development of agrofuels `` offers big new markets for agricultural manufacturers that could excite rural growing and farm incomes '' ( Ibid ) . The study continues that agric-based economic systems peculiarly sub-Saharan African states possess a comparative advantage in footings of natural resource gift and human capital for agribusiness development ( World Bank, 2008: 34 ) . This thought has been bought into by authoritiess of many agric-based developing economic systems peculiarly in sub-Saharan Africa including Ghana who are looking to non merely increase foreign exchange net incomes and cut downing oil imports but besides to work out their agricultural jobs or to pull rural infrastructural investings.

However, the development of agrofuels as a sustainable beginning of renewable energy faces serious challenges as there are many hazards associated with it. Many writers and establishments have challenged the premises in the discourse on agrofuels. For case the potency of agrofuels to lend to energy security, clime alteration extenuation and rural development have been challenged by Dauvergne and Neville ( 2010 ) . Harmonizing to the writers these depend on the inputs needed for production and the entire net energy and C balances ( Dauvergne and Neville, 2010 ) .

Quoting McCarthy ( 2010 ) , the writers continue that these are besides dependent on geographical factors, agricultural methods, extent and type of land usage transition undertaken along with pesticides, fertilisers and engineering involved in their production ( Ibid ) . This implies that for agrofuels to accomplish or run into the outlooks of its head advocates it will affect large-scale industrial production which will intend the transition of big land countries for the cultivation of agrofuels. This will hold serious deductions for nutrient security and there is grounds that this has already happened in certain countries for case the tortilla public violences in Mexico and the rice waiting lines in Thailand due to immense addition in staple nutrients like wheat rice and maize ( Tandon, 2009: 111 ) .

Apart from nutrient security, the alterations in land usage will besides hold serious deductions for the rural hapless following what Tsikata and Yaro ( 2011 ) refer to as the `` failure of agricultural transmutation and ongoing support crises in the countryside in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa '' ( Tsikata and Yaro, 2011: 4 ) .


are the adult females in Agrofuel Debates?

Large-scale agrofuel undertakings like most large-scale agricultures have gendered deductions and peculiarly for adult females. Womans are said to be responsible for roll uping nutrient addendums, H2O, and firewood for fuel among others ( Rocheleau et al. 1996 ; Razavi, 2003 ; Apusigah, 2009 ; Mutopo, 2011 ; Behrman et al. 2012 ; Dockstader 2012 ) and this is argued to be born out of their regular contact with resource base instead than a natural symbiotic relationship with the environment make us to believe ( Schroeder, 1997: 12-13 ) . These duties which are besides mediated by the societal power dealingss tend to do adult females more vulnerable to the impacts associated with large-scale land acquisitions for agrofuel undertakings. It is good documented in several poorness studies both from NGOs and UN bureaus that adult females constitute the most resource hapless and ignored socio-economic groups worldwide ( ActionAid, 2012: 6 ) .

The ActionAid 2012 study titled 'From under their pess ' argues that adult females produce 80 % of family nutrient and yet command 2 % of lands globally ( Ibid. ) . Research indicates that alterations in land term of office and the related alterations in land usage weakens adult females 's land entitlements particularly in countries where adult females are hapless and their entree to land is dependent of male relations ( Ibid: 7 ) as is the instance in most sub-Saharan African states including Ghana.

Given the state of affairs of many rural hapless adult females, one would anticipate to see more analysis of the enlargement of large-scale agrofuels peculiarly in sub-Saharan Africa looking at the gendered facets of this development right from the beginning. However, this was non the instance. Until late most of the literature on agrofuels that emerged from international NGOs, United Nations bureaus and some scholarly plants ( Ewing and Msangi 2009, Findlater et Al. 2011, Holt-Gimenez and Shattuck 2009, Mol 2007, McMichael 2008, Msangi et Al. 2007, Otero and Jones 2010 etc ) paid small attending to the impacts of large-scale agrofuels on adult females.

But this has changed over the last few old ages with the FAO ( 2008 ) publication titled 'Gender and Equity Issues in Liquid Biofuels Production, Understating the Risks to Maximize the Opportunities ' authored by Andrea Rossi and Yianna Lambrou. Writers like ( Clancy 2008, Tandon 2009, Arndt et Al. 2011, Julia and White 2012, Mutopo, 2011 ) have followed suit by prosecuting in the gendered dimensions of agrofuels.

In April 2008, the FAO published a study that was entirely dedicated to the impact of agrofuels on adult females. This study which was authored by Rossi and Lambrou, ( 2008 ) explored the possible gender differentiated hazard associated with the large-scale production of first-generation liquid 'bio'fuels in developing states ( Rossi and Lambrou 2008 ) .

The writers discuss the possible socio-economic hazard for adult females and work forces, the environmental impacts associated with the gender differentiated hazards, the gender differentiated hazard of the simplification of agro-ecosystem, employment chances and prejudiced on the job conditions on plantations and increased nutrient insecurity for adult females

and work forces and they made some recommendations for research and policy. The writers envisaged that when lands are converted to plantations for agrofuels, adult females are likely to be displaced either partly or wholly ( Rossi and Lambrou 2008 ) .

Again they add that large-scale agrofuel production could take to depletion of natural resources and this could put an extra load on adult females because they might hold to go further distances to roll up H2O, firewood and other natural resources they need to supplement family nutrient and income ( Ibid: 10 ) . Rossi and Lambrou argue that the above among others could impact adult females 's ability to run into household duties and their ability to take part in land-use determination doing due to the decrease in the lands they control straight or indirectly will worsen ( Ibid ) . They concluded by doing recommendations for research and policy.

Joy S. Clancy besides in the September 2008 brought into the agrofuel argument a gender position. In her article 'Are Biofuels Pro-poor? Measuring the Evidence ' she assesses the impact of agrofuels on land usage and nutrient security, the local environment, occupations and gender equality ( Clancy 2008 ) . Clancy 's article divorces gender ( more significantly adult females ) from the treatments on nutrient security, environmental and societal impacts including land rights making a separate treatment column for gender issues. The writer sees gender issues emerging in agrofuel plans merely in footings of entree and control over family assets and in footings of income generating chances for adult females as agriculturists or as employees ( Clancy 2008 ) . However, whether it is nutrient security, environmental or land rights issues adult females frequently are the most affected due to their place and the socio-cultural kineticss that limits their entree to natural resources including land and all the benefits that derives from it.

In 2009 Nidhi Tandon in her article 'the Bio-fuel Craze: What Options for Rural Women? A Case of Rural Development Schizophrenia ' , takes the gender and agrofuel fuel argument further, discoursing the gendered facets of agrofuels. She besides criticises the development discourse on agrofuels and poorness relief as being driven by net income motivations of large concerns '' who harmonizing to her besides  influence ( if non imposed ) determinations about land usage and harvest pick every bit good as by planetary trade and assistance determinations that are taken outside the kingdom of the farm, on the international trading floors of agri-commodities, and in the board suites of development Bankss and assistance establishments '' ( Tandon 2009 ) . Tandon has been taken on by Dockstader ( 2012 ) as  declining to reprobate the destructive function of capitalist economy in the predicament of adult females in the Global South even though she appears to understand the issues environing agrofuel impacts on these adult females and instead appears to subscribe to the thought of adult females 's entryway to export markets.

Arndt et Al. ( 2011 ) in their article 'Gender Deductions of Biofuel Expansion in Africa: The Case of Mozambique ' take a more economic attack

utilizing what they call  a gendered dynamic estimable general equilibrium ( CGE ) theoretical account to analyze the macro- and micro degree deductions of spread outing biofuels production in a low income and land abundant economic system '' ( Arndt et al. 2011 ) . Though they acknowledge that emerging chances in high value harvests are frequently taken by work forces in most African states they nevertheless believe that given same entree to resource and inputs adult females stand to accomplish similar or higher returns than work forces '' ( Arndt et al. 2011 ) .

Hence, they argue that possible additions could be realised if adult females 's entree to resources and chances in the 'biofuel ' sector are increased ( Arndt et al. 2011 ) . They identify the supplanting of nutrient harvests and the deficit of higher-skilled female labour as the restraints to poverty decrease through 'biofuels ' production ( Arndt et al. 2011 ) and that these restraints can be addressed through an betterment in the instruction degrees of female workers and heightening productiveness of nutrient production ( Arndt et al. 2011 ) . The writers therefore subscribe to the thought of poorness relief through agrofuel production wholly ignoring the interplay of political relations at the local, national and planetary degree. It is no admiration that they conclude that  biofuels investings provide an chance to significantly cut down poorness '' ( Arndt et al. 2011 ) .

Finally on gender and agrofuel literature, Julia and White ( 2012 ) , takes a more critical attack of agricultural political economic system in their article titled 'The Gendered Politics of Eviction: Oil Palm Expansion in a Dayak Hibun Community in West Kalimantan, Indonesia ' . The writers explored the gendered political relations of corporate land acquisition and oil-palm enlargement by analysing how formalistic processs and relationships established with the enlargement of corporate oil-palm ventures interact with bing local patriarchal constructions to bring forth alterations in gendered forms of land rights, division of labor, supports, voice in community personal businesss and opposition to some of these developments '' ( Julia and White 2012 ) .

Discoursing assorted signifiers of plantation administrations in Indonesia the writers write that surveies indicates `` a big spread between what is promised to local people and their existent experience, which they argue has frequently led to the impairment of local supports and triggered perpendicular and horizontal struggles ; community vs the company, authorities and military, every bit good as inter-community and intra-community struggles '' ( Julia and White 2012 ) . This is evidenced in their decision that the promise of prosperity by the Indonesian authorities is yet to be seen, as the oil thenar is regarded as a trade good that merely serves to profit the elect i.e. authoritiess ( national and regional ) and investors ( Julia and White 2012 ) .

Last but non the least on the available literature on agrofuels and adult females, is the thesis of Sue Dockstader ( 2012 ) titled 'Engendering the Metabolic Rift: A Feminist Political Ecology of Agrofuels ' submitted to the Environmental Studies Program and the Graduate

School of the University of Oregon USA in partial fulfillment of the demands for the grade of Master of Science. This work possibly represents the first scholarly work that deals straight with agrofuels from a FPE attack. Unlike the plants of the old writers discussed above who took a more traditional gender and development attack looking at how adult females can be incorporated into the 'development ' through agrofuels ; Like Julia and White ( 2012 ) , Dockstader takes a really critical attack in her analysis but from a FPE position uniting texts from agricultural political economic system, gender, women's rightist and development theories. Her thesis rejects the win-win claims of agrofuel advocators by throwing visible radiation on the effects of large-scale agrofuel production on the environment and gender dealingss utilizing instance surveies from other writers like Julia and white, ( 2012 ) ; Tsikata and Yaro, ( 2011 ) among others.

Large-scale Land acquisitions for Agrofuels and the Impacts on Womans

Large-scale land acquisitions have come under the lens of tonss of NGO 's local and international like GRAIN, ActionAid, and Oxfam among others due to the dimension it has taken i.e. the acquisition of big piece of lands of lands by both foreign companies and/or in partnership with local companies in developing states for cultivation of fuel harvests.

This tendency became distressing peculiarly following the universe nutrient crises that occurred between 2007 and 2008. Many research workers like Borras Jr, S.M. 2010 ; 96 Borras Jr, S.M. 2012 ; 178 Borras Jr, S.M. 2011 ; 124 Behrman, J. 2012 ; 109 Chu, Jessica 2011 ; 142 Cotula, L. 2008 ; 180 Da Via , E. 2011 ; 140 Dauvergne, P. 2010 ; 77 Eide, A. 2008 ; 83 Findlater, K.M. 2011 ; 146 German, L. 2011 ; 166 Mutopo, P. ; 126 Schoneveld, G.C. 2011 ; 184 Williams, T.O. 2012 have contributed to research about the deductions of large-scale land acquisitions for term of office and nutrient security and supports of little graduated table husbandmans.

Institutional Model

This subdivision gives a brief overview of the institutional model within which agrofuel development is situated. Biofuel/Bioenergy in Ghana is of course under the energy sector but the facets of biofuel that this paper is concerned with which is liquid agrofuels ( bio-ethanol and biodiesel ) generated from agro-based merchandises like Jatropha, palm oil, helianthus, maize, soya beans and sugar cane cuts across two other sectors of the economic system in Ghana i.e. the nutrient and agribusiness sector and the lands and natural resource sector since it besides involves land but largely issues sing policies and ordinance of agrofuels in Ghana is done by the Ghana Energy Commission which is under the Ministry of Energy

The Ministry of Energy ( MoEn )

This is the ministry in charge of the energy sector in Ghana and its duty is to develop and guarantee dependable supply of high quality energy services at minimal cost to all sectors of the economic system through the preparation, execution, monitoring and rating of policies.[ 4 ]There are three board of directorss under the ministry and these are Petroleum Directorate, Power Directorate and

Renewable Directorate.

The Renewable Energy Directorate is under the Ghana Energy Commission ( GEC ) . The GEC was set up by the Energy Commission Act, 1997 ( Act 541 ) , an Act of Parliament to amongst other things, provide leading and collaborate with the taking energy suppliers such as VRA, TOR, BOST, ECG, Ghana Grid Company and Independent Power Producers ( IPPs ) , to make an enabling environment for a competitory energy service bringing, licence and modulate the proficient operations of service suppliers in the Energy Sector.

It is besides mandated to modulate and pull off the use of energy resources in Ghana and to organize policies in relation to them. The Act besides mandates the EC to do policies for the development and use of autochthonal energy resources including renewable energy and to advance the development and use of renewable energy ( Including all facets of the development of the biofuels for energy ) .

Ghana Energy Policy

The National Energy Policy ( NEP ) of Ghana which was approved by cabinet in March 2010 is formulated to among other things, create a conducive/enabling environment for increased investing in the energy sector in order to make occupations, to steer the development and direction of the energy sector in peculiarly the oil and gas sector following the find of crude oil resources in 2007 and to set in topographic point a new statute law for the development of renewable energy resources ( Foreword MoEn-NEP, 2010: 1 ) .

Describing the renewable energy potency of Ghana, the policy provinces under the subdivision on renewable energy sub-sector that Ghana is endowed with biomass resources that sums to 20.8 million hectares of the 23.8 million hectares of the entire land mass and that biomass supplies 60 % of the entire energy used in the state ( MoEn-NEP, 2010: 20 ) . Still on land the policy states that Ghana has vast a cultivable and debauched land mass with the potency for the cultivation of harvests and workss that can be converted into a broad scope of solid and liquid biofuels '' ( ibid ) .

Based on the committedness made in the policy to develop the renewable energy sub-sector, the authorities in December 2011 passed the Renewable Energy Act ( Act 823 ) to  supply for the development, direction and use of renewable energy beginnings for the production of heat and power in an efficient and environmentally sustainable manner '' ( Renewable Energy Act, 2011: 3 ) . Following the passing of the Act a Bioenergy Policy ( BP ) was developed to advance the sustainable supply and use of bioenergy to guarantee energy security for Ghana whilst keeping equal nutrient security '' ( Ghana Bioenergy Policy Final, 2011: 7 ) .

The BP screens three resources which are woodfuel, biofuel and biomass-waste. The policy provides recommendations and schemes on how to accomplish the declared ends for these three renewable energy resources ( ibid ) . To accomplish the authorities of Ghana aims of achieving energy security, cut downing oil imports pieces increasing foreign exchange net incomes, making occupations and cut downing poorness, the policy sets a

mark to replace 10 % of national ingestion of crude oil merchandises with biofuel by 2020. The policy further sets out a scheme to accomplish among other marks the permutation of national crude oil fuel ingestion with biofuel ; promote the commercial graduated table production of biofuel feedstock ; create demand for the merchandise ; guarantee sustainable production and supply of biofuel ; go a net exporter of biofuel and the list goes on ( ibid: 17 ) . Through this the authorities of Ghana provides what they refer to as an 'enabling environment ' to pull investors.

Country Overview

Ghana is divided into 10 administrative parts, viz. Greater Accra ( where the capital is located ) , Eastern, Central, Western, Volta, Ashanti, Brong Ahafo, Northern, Upper East and Upper West parts. Harmonizing to statistics from the Ghana Statistical Service ( GSS ) , the entire land country of the state is 23.8 million hectares and out of this agricultural land country is 13.6 million hectares with 7.8 million under cultivation, 30 1000 under irrigation and 5.7 million uncultivated and 'available ' ( GSS Census Report, 2010 ) . The 23.8 million hectares of land country is divided by the 10 parts with Greater Accra being the smallest and Northern part being the largest. The chart below shows a in writing position of how the entire land country is distributed.

Overview of the Study Area

The survey country Kpachaa, is located on the Tamale-Yendi route and under the Yendi Municipality of the Northern part. The Yendi Municipality is the 2nd largest in footings of population in Northern part after Tamale the capital town. Yendi is made up of 14 Villages and Kpachaa is one of them. The entire population of the Yendi municipality now stands at 199,592 as at the 2010 population and lodging nose count. Yendi is made up of different cultural groups like the Konkomba, Akan, Ewe, Basare, Moshie, Chokosi, Hausa and Dagomba, with the Dagomba representing the bulk. About 62 % of Yendi 's population live in rural countries while 37.4 % are in towns. Kpachaa is one of the little rural communities under the municipality. It is a little colonist community preponderantly Dagomba with a population of 210 as at the twelvemonth 2000 ( GSS, 2000 Population and Housing Census Report )]though this may hold increased over the 12 old ages period.

Land Tenure System

Traditionally Kpachaa is under the Dagbon Chieftaincy which is under the 'Ya Naa ' the Chief of Yendi who is besides the master of the Dagbon traditional country embracing several other territories likes Tolon-Kunbungo, Savelugu-Naton, among others. Land term of office system in this country is based on customary Torahs and patterns. Customary land term of office is said to be managed by a traditional swayer ( skin or stool caputs )'tindana ' ( earth priest ) , council of seniors, household or line of descent caputs ( Turning Forest Partnership, 2011: 5 ) .

Lands in Kpachaa and for that affair Dagbon traditional country is guided by the rules of skin land ownership ( Tsikata and Yaro, 2011 ) with the Ya Naa being the "overall

proprietor and appoints divisional heads to take political ownership and economic control of land and natural resources. There are ( SIC ) five divisional heads in the survey country and ( SIC ) they are Tijo-lana, Sang-Lana, Mion-Lana, Salankpang-Lana and Zakpalsi-Lana '' ( Tsikata and Yaro, 2011: 18 ) .

Harmonizing to Tsikata and Yaro ( 2011 ) , the twenty-four hours to twenty-four hours direction of lands for little graduated table husbandmans in this country are done by the little small town heads. Family caputs within the small town choice and take freely and advise the main pieces migrators ( frequently husbandmans in hunt of fertile lands ) have to offer Cola nuts to the head before they are allowed to take from the land available. The writers ' farther notes that these land claims are non reversible by the main unless a claimant comes under serious societal accusals that demand accused individuals vacate the small town '' ( Ibid ) .

It can besides be reversed merely when the divisional and the paramount head need the lands for a intent deemed to be 'in the involvement of the land ' ; and because the lands are non sold they can be taken off without any compensation to the land users. Citizens of the country and frequently given new lands to cultivate pieces the migrators are left with no warrants ( Tsikata and Yaro 2011: 18, interview with Tijonaa-Divisional Chief of the country ) . Kpachaa lands falls under the direct disposal of the Tijonaa

Womans in this country like many parts of Northern part suffer term of office insecurity. This is due to the system of heritage which is patrilineal, the term of office agreement and land usage forms ( Sarpong 2006 ). The term of office agreement in this country is influenced by the system of heritage which puts control over lands in the custodies of male members. Therefore, adult females can merely entree lands through the male members of their families . They are frequently allocated little secret plans of lands that are considered less fertile for the cultivation of veggies and other basics.

Economic Features

The people of this country are preponderantly husbandmans and many of these are migrators from other communities in the traditional country in hunt of fertile lands. Some are seasonal husbandmans who have settled in the community but travel back to their topographic points of beginning during the dry season and return when the agriculture season starts. Others commute from their towns and small towns ( most are commercial husbandmans from Tamale ) to their farms and back during the agrarian seasons ( ( Tsikata and Yaro 2011 ) .

Other economic activities in the country include garnering firewood and wood coal combustion during dry seasons, treating dawa dawa condiment scientifically known as Parkia Biglobosa and shea-butter from the shea nut trees scientifically known as Vitellaria paradoxa which are normally found in many parts of the country and the part as a whole. These off farm activities are performed by adult females to bring forth income to back up their families. There are besides adult females and

work forces who engage in junior-grade trading.

Biofuel Africa ( now Solar Harvest Ltd ) Project Overview

Biofuel Africa Ltd was originally under Boifuel AS a Norse company started by three spouses and two of the spouses finally set up Biofuel Africa Ltd when the female parent company went bankrupt in 2009 ( Boamah, 2010: 5 ; ( Tsikata and Yaro 2011 ) . The company is now incorporated under the new name Solar Harvest. In 2007 Biofuel Africa Ltd. became established as a registered company in Ghana and acquired an Environmental Impact Assessment ( EIA ) certification from the Environmental Protection Agency of Ghana ( EPA ) to get down their agrofuel concern.

The company acquired over 23,000 hectares of land in the Northern part for Jatropha cultivation with over 10,000 hectares within the research country. They foremost started in Alipe in the Kwasogu country in the cardinal Gonja territory of Northern part where they met opposition from some of the community members ( Nyari, 2007 ; Boamah, 2011 ) . The company so moved to the current location. The Biofuel Africa plantation covers lands across Kpachaa, Jashie, Chegu, Tugu, Kpalkore, Joro, and Tijo ( Tsikata and Yaro 2011 ) .

However, non all the lands were cultivated. Much of the cultivated plantation lies within the Kpachaa country the ground possibly being easy entree due to the fact that the lands there surround the chief route from Tamale to Yendi ( Nibi, 2012 )[ 10 ]. The undertaking survived for over a twelvemonth but suffered once more from opposition from some of the community members and largely NGO 's like Regional Advocacy and Information Networks ( RAINS ) , ActionAid Ghana, FoodSpan Network, Grameen Foundation among others concerned about the supports and nutrient security of the country.

Following the situational context and overview described in the old chapter, this chapter will continue to discourse the findings from the survey country based on the interviews conducted. The chapter foremost discuss the local experiences of adult females and work forces in Kpachaa from a FPE position looking at the deduction of the agrofuel undertaking on their supports from the impacts on their term of office and nutrient security every bit good as the environment and biodiversity of the country.

The analysis will use the usage of agricultural political economic system constructs like enclosure, accretion and eviction and political ecology constructs of graduated table and geographical location and infinite within a women's rightist lens ( therefore FPE ) . The chapter will so continue to discourse the discourse of agrofuel based on literature reappraisal and narrations backed by interviews from the field to analyze how discourses at the planetary graduated table penetrate and impact the twenty-four hours to twenty-four hours experiences of rural husbandmans peculiarly adult females.

Large-scale Agrofuel Production and the Experiences of Women and Men in Northern Ghana

Large-scale Agrofuel production as I mentioned earlier in this paper, like most agricultures is frequently associated with large-scale land acquisitions and big graduated table land acquisitions in developing states peculiarly in sub-Saharan Africa have gendered deductions. Womans and work forces have different societal functions, rights and chances as such

major alterations in land term of office peculiarly to 'extralocal investors ' will impact otherwise on them with adult females being the worst affected particularly in sub-Saharan states where most lands are largely common lands and term of office is based on customary Torahs and patterns and land inheritance/ownership is largely patriarchal. Such is the instance of the Northern part of Ghana and the survey country for that affair. The enlargement of agrofuels into such geographical countries frequently leads to enclosure and eviction of little rural husbandmans.

Enclosure can be referred to as the fencing off of lands to forestall people from accessing or 'encroaching ' on it. It has its roots in the beginning of Industrialisation in Western Europe peculiarly England where many provincials were dispossessed due to denationalization of lands and the fencing off of the lands which led to depeasantization and the forming of a new category of workers. The term is used in recent times in relation to large-scale land acquisitions for agrofuels and other agricultures, to mention to the enlargement of corporate capital into rural countries that frequently lead to enclosure supplanting and eviction of little rural husbandmans many of whom are adult females

After the plantation had been prepared for cultivation the company so met the community members and promised them employment on the plantation and good as the proviso of certain comfortss like H2O, wellness attention, educational support among other. With the employment harmonizing to the respondents the company promised to see them foremost for employment and will merely use foreigners when there is still vacancy or when the community members do non desire to work with them

. They foremost gave chance to husbandmans who are citizens of the country to either work on the farm or hold to be relocated to other secret plans farther from the small town. But for most of the settlers/migrant husbandmans no option were given to them and so many of them moved to other communities in hunt of new lands to farm. For the affluent commuter husbandmans who commute from Tamale, they merely abandoned the topographic point  .

Harmonizing to one of the respondent who was besides the main security adult male for the company, in all the company employed over 200 people many of whom were from Tamale and were shuttled to and from work every twenty-four hours. About 79 people he says were from the community many of whom were adult females. The workers from the community were largely employed as laborers ( seting and reaping ) , three were employed as security work forces, one as an operator of a grinding factory they set up for the community and one as a tractor driver. All the other places like farm trough, supervisors, tractor drivers and mechanics among others were given to the workers from Tamale.

The company besides fulfilled their promise to supply them with H2O by delving two dikes for the community with one helping as imbibing H2O for the community and their farm animal and the other helping as irrigation beginning for the plantation. Harmonizing to Sanaatu one of the female respondents "before the undertaking

we used to go long distance to bring H2O but with the building of the 2 dikes by the company we do n't hold any more trouble in bringing H2O '' . They besides harmonizing to the findings in Tsikata and Yaro ( 2011 ) paid a voluntary instructor to learn in the lone primary school in the community. The company whiles the undertaking was still vivacious provid