The Khasis of Barak Valley, Assam Essay Example
The Khasis of Barak Valley, Assam Essay Example

The Khasis of Barak Valley, Assam Essay Example

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  • Published: January 2, 2017
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The term 'tribe' has been adopted by anthropologists from its various meanings in common usage. These meanings often referred to primitive people living in undeveloped areas without literacy skills and sometimes even used interchangeably with the word 'race'. However, no precise definition was given to this term. [1] Theoretically, a tribe represents an ideal state as a self-contained entity that functions as a society consisting of individuals who share a common culture. However, the cultural boundary of a tribe is somewhat vague.

Although India is a society based on kinship, social stratification is not present. In the present day, very few tribes in India exist as independent societies as they have been assimilated to some extent into the broader society of India. This assimilation process has been ongoing for centuries, to the point that no tribe in India today has a com

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pletely separate political boundary. There were two simultaneous processes taking place in the country, both on a national and local scale. Ideas and ideologies traveled across the country throughout history, while there were also distinct local customs, lifestyles, and material cultures.

When discussing Indian society and culture, it is vital to recognize two contrasting aspects. Firstly, there is a sense of uniformity and unity, but at the same time, there is also a significant diversity and plurality deeply rooted in our country's existence. Consequently, within this historical and civilizational context [4], tribes in India are perceived as relatively secluded and underdeveloped communities. Furthermore, tribals in India have a strong bond with forests, with certain individuals even residing near trees for the majority of their lives.

The indigenous people, also

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referred to as 'jangali', were perceived as uncivilized or unsophisticated. Originally, this term described them as inhabitants of the forest, with tribal communities residing in forest settlements and considering the woods their own. In Northeast India, certain tribes assert control over forest regions and establish distinct boundaries for clan or village property. Hunting and firewood cutting privileges are granted solely to members of the corresponding clan or village. The green revolution has brought about notable transformations.

Tribal life has experienced modernization in different areas, leading to a loss of traditional characteristics. In the past, tribals could be easily identified by their food preferences, clothing styles, and house designs. However, these distinguishing features have disappeared. Nowadays, tribals can be seen in restaurants, cinemas, and beauty parlors where they have adopted new ways of dressing. Consequently, tribals have become connected to their region, state, and country. The impact of consumerism and mass culture has greatly transformed the lifestyle of tribals who previously had little or no involvement in consumerism.

In the past, their own production and the weekly market sufficed to meet their needs without creating artificial desires. However, globalization and new communication technologies, particularly visual media, have given rise to numerous needs. These modern media techniques fuel consumerism [7]. The economy of the northeastern region relies predominantly on rural areas and is primarily controlled by industries such as tea, oil, and timber. Within this region are extensive areas with limited accessibility and low population density, along with inadequate infrastructure. Industries have minimal impact on the economic growth of the region.

Despite adequate financial allocation, the rate of development has been unsatisfactory and further

exacerbated by population pressure, which has undermined economic progress. The main reasons for economic imbalances are the growing demand for forest resources to meet basic needs such as food, fuel, and fodder. Many experts attribute this environmental crisis to the relationship between poverty and population growth. The rapid increase in population has greatly strained resource availability, thus causing environmental degradation.

The region is 70% hilly and experiences significant deterioration due to reckless tree felling, shifting cultivation, and mining. The local residents heavily depend on the forests for their basic survival needs, further straining the already limited resources. As a result, the environment has been greatly affected with deforestation leading to overall ecosystem degradation. This includes water scarcity, declining water table, soil erosion, and frequent flash floods becoming common in the area [9].

The tribals are encountering numerous issues, which is the most troubling aspect. Their land, water, and forest rights are diminishing rapidly, causing a renewed call for tribal autonomy and community-based resource management. Many tribal communities are facing urbanization, criminalization, and impoverishment [10]. Among the tribes, the Khasis of Meghalaya have a well-established State organization, while other tribes generally have a basic form of local government. Trade plays a vital role in the Khasi economy.

The Khasi people, who live on a plateau, have utilized the fertile soil and plentiful rainfall to produce surplus crops. These crops are then sold in nearby regions. Additionally, the Khasi people possess significant reserves of iron ore, limestone, steel, and coal. Although certain resources have been depleted, they have countered this by establishing fruit and vegetable gardens. The recent introduction of road transport has further

accelerated their progress. Originally composed of 25 separate Khasi chiefdoms during the mid-sixteenth century, the British eventually gained control over the Khasi kingdom around 1815.

Prior to British rule, cultural relations among the Khasi states were limited. However, in 1765, the Khasi kingdom of Meghalaya became part of the British empire. The Sylhet markets played a role in contributing to the British economy. In the 1790s, there were raids in the Khasi regions which led to fortification of the foothills by the British and prohibition of trading Khasi gods in the Sylhet markets. Ultimately, a road was constructed in 1837 connecting Kolkata with the Brahmaputra Valley via Nongkhaw state, marking an end to conflict between the Khasis and the British.

The Khasis were given autonomy and exemption from British taxes through several treaties signed by both parties. Additionally, plans were made to make Shillong the capital of Assam. In 1947, a tribal region with its own self-governance was established, reporting to the governor of Assam who acted as a representative of the President of India. Currently, the Khasis are the dominant tribe in Meghalaya - their own state - with an estimated population of around 1.2 million people. According to the 2001 Census of India, there were over 1.1 million Khasis residing in Meghalaya and approximately 13,000 in Assam.

The Census of Bangladesh in 1991 recorded a total of 12,280 Khasis in the country. These Khasis can be divided into four sub-tribes: Khynriam, Pnar, Bhoi, and War. In terms of race, the Khasis bear a strong resemblance to Indo-Chinese tribes, although they cannot be classified purely as mongoloid. It is likely that they have

intermarried with the Austric race, with recent intermarriage with individuals of Aryan descent also occurring. The Khasis are descendants of Mon-Khmer speakers who migrated from Yunnan to Meghalaya, thus establishing their East Asian origins. Their skin tone ranges from light brown to light yellow, and they possess distinct high nasal bridges and aquiline noses.

The Khasis have diverse appearances, ranging from typical East Asian to Central Asian or Persians. They are descendants of a common great-grandmother over four generations and are acknowledged as a distinct group. Clans can be traced back to a revered grandmother who is considered the founder of the clan. Below this division, there exists a sub-clan and the family unit, typically consisting of a grandmother, her daughters, and her daughters' offspring. This collective forms one household. While the maternal lineage is used to trace the ancestry of a Khasi family, the father also plays an important role in their material and mental well-being.

The Khasis have a society that practices monogamy, but sometimes alternative marriage forms occur. They view marriage as solely a civil agreement. Typically, men wed between 18 and 35 years old, while women generally marry between ages 13 and 18. Although parents can arrange marriages, it is not the preferred option. Young people have the freedom to choose their partners and engage in sexual relations before marriage. When a man selects his desired spouse, he communicates this decision to his parents.

The initial step in the marriage process involves the man seeking assistance from a male relative to coordinate the marriage with the woman's family. However, this can only occur if his own parents approve

of his selection. Subsequently, the woman's parents converse with her to ensure her willingness to proceed with the arrangement and also confirm that the man is not from their clan. If all criteria are met, omens play a role in deciding whether to continue or cancel the wedding plans. Positive omens result in selecting a wedding date, while negative ones lead to cancellation. It is vital to note that according to khasi laws, women cannot be forced into marriage and they retain ownership of their children and properties.

In terms of marriage, a woman has the authority to terminate her union at her own discretion, without any objections from her spouse. Marriages can be categorized into two types: those involving an heiress and those not. Khasi men generally prefer marrying nonheiresses to establish independent family units that are less influenced by their wife's relatives. If a Khasi man's wife is an heiress, he will return to his own house after her death. However, if she is not an heiress, he can choose to stay with his children unless they are too young or opt to marry his wife's younger sister. It is strictly prohibited for a man to wed his deceased wife's older sister.

In Khasi culture, the norm is for the husband to live with his wife at his mother-in-law's residence instead of bringing her to his own home. The wife's earnings are meant for her mother's household, which has the responsibility of supporting the entire family. If a man marries a woman from a specific clan, their children take on the name of that clan, eliminating the concept of illegitimate children

in Khasi society as they inherit their mother's designation. Divorce is common and follows a simple process. The Khasis allow divorce based on adultery, infertility, and incompatibility; however, both parties must agree to separate.

In certain cases, compensation may be required when one party desires to terminate the marriage. Although a divorcee couple can remarry, it must be done through a public ceremony. Following a divorce, custody of the children is usually awarded to the mother [14]. The Khasi society in Meghalaya distinguishes itself by empowering women and elevating their social status due to its matrilineal system. This sets it apart from numerous Indian states that oppress women through harmful practices such as female feticide, bride burning, and dowry demands.

In this state, a woman has considerable power. Yet, the consent of her maternal uncles is required for the youngest daughter to make decisions about property or important matters. When a mother dies, the youngest daughter becomes the heir of real property. After the death of the youngest daughter, it then passes on to her own daughter. The other daughters receive a smaller portion of their mother's inheritance, with the largest share going to the youngest daughter. If a mother doesn't have any daughters, her sister's youngest daughter becomes the inheritor.

The inheritance system for sisters without daughters involves the mother's sisters and their female relatives. Men are prohibited from inheriting real property. Any property acquired by a man before marriage is owned by his mother, while property obtained after marriage belongs to the man's wife and children. Women do not have roles in administration, legislation, or judiciary in the traditional setup.

The Khasi inheritance system has encountered difficulties due to Christian conversion and continues to be negatively impacted. The Khasis speak a Mon-Khmer Language, which is part of the Austro-Asiatic family.

Khasi acts as a connection between related languages in central India and the Mon-Khmer languages of Southeast Asia. The earliest written mention of the Khasis can be found in Sankardeva’s Assamese interpretation of Bhagavata Purana, written around A. D. 1500. Dance and music are an essential part of Khasi culture, with music and dance incorporated into every festival and ceremony, from birth to death. The ‘phawar’ represents one of the fundamental forms of Khasi music and is more like a chant rather than a song. It is often improvised to suit the specific occasion.

The different forms of song include ballads and verses that honor the past, legendary heroes' feats, and mourn for martyrs. These songs accompany flutes and various drums. The drum not only sets the festival's rhythm but also invites people to attend the event. Other musical instruments like wooden pipes, metal cymbals, and guitars are also used. In the Khasi pantheon, the most important deities are an unidentified God and Goddess. The God is described as powerful, compassionate but passive; whereas the Goddess has a closer connection to individuals.

The Khasi people engage in divination through the reading of eggshells and entrails. They also perform sacrifices as a means to explain and rectify misfortune. Additionally, the Khasi hold beliefs in demons, omens found in nature and dreams, as well as mystic numbers and colors. Ceremonies dedicated to ancestors occur during significant life events such as marriage, divorce, and other

crises. Numerous chiefdoms have their own state religion, which includes the Pombland ceremony lasting an entire year to seek the blessings of ancestors for the entire chiefdom. The Khasis have been the focus of various successful efforts by foreign missionaries.

The Khasis were first exposed to Christianity in 1832 by Calvinistic Methodist missionaries. Alongside other religious groups like Unitarians, Seventh Day Adventists, and Catholics, this religion gained rapid popularity among them. Presently, Christianity is the dominant faith for more than 80% of the population. The strategic positioning of Khasi villages below hill summits serves as protection against strong winds. These villages consist of closely constructed houses and encompass family tombs and memorial stones named mawbynna. Importantly, there is no social division based on wealth within these villages; both affluent and impoverished individuals live together harmoniously.

The Village has sacred groves that are located between the hill's brow and the leeward side. These groves are where the village's tutelary deity is revered. Pigs freely roam around the village, while some villages have protected potato gardens with dry dikes and hedges as borders. The houses in the village are connected by narrow streets, which have stone steps leading up to each individual house. It is important to note that the upper part of a Khasi village can be up to 100 meters higher than its lower counterpart. A typical Khasi dwelling has a shell-like structure and consists of three rooms: a storage porch, a central room for cooking and sitting, and an inner room for sleeping.

Wealthy Khasis possess more contemporary homes featuring iron roofs, chimneys, glass windows, and doors. Some even own European-style

houses and furniture. A market is typically situated outside a Khasi village, with its location dependent on the specific region - it may be near memorial stones, by a river, or under a group of trees. Each village shares certain common elements such as cremation grounds, tree groves, a market place, the residence of the village priest, and the dwelling of the chief if he lives in that village. In addition to these traditional components, Christian churches, government and social welfare buildings, as well as schools have become essential parts of the village today.

The traditional Khasi medical practice utilizes magico-religious means to prevent and treat sickness. The only drugs used are chiretta and wormwood. However, there is a scarcity of native medical specialists. Typically, illness is attributed to one or more spirits as a result of human negligence. In this system, the restoration of health can only be attained by appeasing the spirits or seeking help from other spirits if appeasement fails. Divination is conducted by breaking an egg and interpreting the signs that follow.

In Khasi eschatology, individuals who receive appropriate funeral rites are said to enter God's residence, which is abundant with betel-palm groves. Here, they encounter everlasting happiness. Conversely, those who do not have a proper burial are believed to roam the earth in different forms like animals, birds, and insects. This belief in soul transmigration is influenced by Hindu theology. Unlike Christian eschatology, the Khasi belief system does not incorporate the concept of eternal damnation following death.

In the past, Shaining practiced cremation, but now they have switched to burial as the new procedure. However, in rural

Khasi areas, cremation is not allowed and instead they choose to bury the body for three months before proceeding with cremation. This belief stems from the idea that burning the body will result in children with smallpox dying. During the burial process, betel nuts and betel leaves are placed alongside the body to ensure everlasting happiness in heaven.

In heaven, everlasting happiness awaits those who continue to experience it. As for land ownership, there are four types of public land – crown lands, lands owned by the priesthood, village lands used for cultivating thatching grass and firewood, and sacred groves. Private land can be classified into two categories: clan-owned land and land owned by families or obtained through other means. Ancestral land is always held by a woman, although men are permitted to cultivate it. The yield from their efforts must be brought to the mother's house where she distributes it among her family members.

Typically, when an unmarried man acquires land and passes away, his mother inherits it. However, there is a provision that allows a man to leave the land he obtained after marriage to his children through a will. Men are responsible for clearing the land and engaging in various activities such as jhum agriculture, cattle care, metalworking, and woodworking.

In society, women have multiple roles, including weaving cloth and selling goods in the market. They also play an important role in raising children and are recognized as primary providers of provisions that are sold at the market. On the other hand, men engage in market activities by selling items they have made or produced (such as ironwork) or

things they have raised or caught (like sheep, goats, and birds). Additionally, men supply provisions to women at the market and exert influence through accounting services. It is not uncommon for husbands to support their families by working in the fields on behalf of their wives while managing business accounts for their sisters.

The woman in her business can also assign her uncle, brother, or son for this role, especially if it is a larger-scale operation. The village is ruled by a village headman who is elected by adult males in the community. It is believed that the 25 Khasi chiefdoms were created when villages voluntarily united to form associations. Chiefdoms do not have set territories as villages can easily switch their loyalty from one chief to another.

The Khasi state system originated from the voluntary association of villages or groups. The chief, who possesses limited monarchical powers, is the head of the state. He can perform certain actions without approval from his executive council, which he presides over. The council members, known as mantris, are responsible for managing the state. In most states, the chief holds both religious and secular authority. He conducts public religious ceremonies, consults oracles, acts as a judge in legal cases, and historically served as the leader of the army in battles. In some states, the chief was chosen through election.

The Britishers attempted to enforce this electoral system on all other states, but were ultimately unsuccessful. The selection of a successor to the chief consistently occurs through the female line. A new chief is chosen from a chief's family by an electoral body comprising representatives from

specific priestly and nonpriestly clans, village headmen, and market supervisors. The chief obtains revenue from market tolls, fines, and licenses related to rice whisky distillation.

In Khasi society, lineages are categorized as noble, commoner, or servant. Most of the population consists of commoners, but there are still a few remaining servant lineages. Individuals from these servant lineages are obligated to perform specific duties within the chief's household. Only members of noble lineages are eligible to hold positions such as state and village priest, chief's councilor, and elector. The primary sources of conflict within Khasi society stem from interpersonal tensions, domestic disagreements, and disputes between clans. To maintain social control, authorities at the clan, village, state, and national levels all play a role.

The Khasis have various methods to maintain order, including exile, monetary fines, curses, disinheritance, enforced servitude, imprisonment, capital punishment, confinement to a bamboo platform where chilies are burned, and more. The Khasis have an agricultural-based market economy and utilize four types of land for cultivation: forest, wet paddy land, homestead land, and high grassland. Most Khasis not only produce goods but also engage in trade as sellers or middlemen. On the Shillong Plateau, the main field crops grown are potatoes, maize, millet, and dry rice. Paddy rice can be found in certain parts of Jaintia.

The upland Khasis cultivate a variety of crops including pumpkins, eggplant, sweet potatoes, and more in their house gardens. They also participate in subsistence activities such as fishing, bird snaring, hunting, and raising animals like goats, cattle, pigs, dogs, hens, chicken ducks, and bees. Markets are held at different locations based on the eight-day

week; however, the Shillong market is open daily and attracts Khasis from all hill areas. The use of currency has replaced the barter system. Apart from their economic functions, markets also serve social purposes by offering recreational activities like archery contests and opportunities for courtship. Furthermore, they play a role in disseminating information within the community.

Certain villages specialize in specific industrial arts, such as the forging of knives and swords in the upland Khasis villages. The invention of the sewing machine has facilitated the production of ready-made garments. Cottage industries and industrial arts encompass various activities like cane and bamboo work, blacksmithing, tailoring, handloom weaving and spinning, cocoon rearing, lac production, stonecutting, brick making, jewelry making, pottery making, iron smelting, and beekeeping.

The manufactured goods available are woven cloth, coarse cotton, randia cloth, quilts made from beaten and woven tree bark, hoes, plowshares, billhooks, axes, silver work, miscellaneous farming tools, netted bags made from pineapple fiber, pottery made without a potter's wheel, mats, baskets, rope and string, gunpowder, brass cooking utensils, bows, arrows, swords, spears, and shields. Trade occurs between villages and between highland and lowland areas. Barter and currency are utilized as mediums of exchange.

Local markets and a central market in Shillong offer a variety of goods for sale, including bees, rice beer, rice, millet, beans, sugarcane, fish, potatoes, oranges, lemons, mangoes, breadfruit, pepper, bananas, cinnamon, goats, sheep, cattle, and housing and cultivation products. These markets also feature imported goods. The Khasi people have a long-standing tradition of growing betel leaf plants on naturally occurring trees. Bro. Shaining shared an intriguing story.

The Khasis cultivate betel

leaf plants because of a legend about a generous man who always helped others. This particular family often asked for his help, so he wanted to visit their home. Despite being very poor, the family warmly welcomed him. However, they had no food or firewood and had to ask their neighbors for help in preparing a meal for the visitor. Unfortunately, the neighbors refused to assist them because they knew the impoverished family couldn't repay them.

Upon the man's return home, he tragically took his own life in the kitchen, followed by his wife and other family members. Simultaneously, a man in the living room grew concerned about the extended time spent by the family in the kitchen. Motivated to investigate, he made a devastating discovery. Feeling responsible for their deaths, he also decided to end his own life. Witnessing this heart-wrenching tragedy, God recognized that such occurrences should never happen again. In response, God created symbolic elements that would represent different individuals - betel nut for the poor man, betel leaf for the woman, and lime (chunna) for the rich man. The purpose of this creation was to prevent impoverished individuals from needlessly perishing.

Betel nut, betel leaf, and lime are easily accessible, while rice, money, etc. are not readily available. Thus, these three items represent sharing and happiness. They were traditionally abundant during any celebration, both before and after meals. Even in times of death, plenty of betel nut, betel leaf, and lime are provided, as it is convenient for the people. The Khasi people living within the forests play a crucial role in protecting trees for their livelihood, which includes

selling betel leaf, collecting fuel wood, and consuming and selling fruits from support trees. Deforestation presents a significant issue in contrast to the efforts of the Khasi people.

The forest production system is profitable and sustainable, promoting soil fertility, stable production, and optimal family size. It offers employment opportunities for both forest dwellers and those living outside the forests. Moreover, it has boosted the supply of betel leaf in local markets, contributing to price stability and generating export revenue. The government's policy focuses on rehabilitating Khasi people and conserving biodiversity, resulting in enhanced land-use efficiency. Consequently, Khasi people now possess legal rights to peacefully utilize Forest Department-owned land.

Employment opportunities have been created and income has significantly increased both by cultivating betel leaf on farm and homestead land, as well as by earning daily labor wages from the Forest Department for the production and protection of reserved forests. This farming system has also improved the availability of betel leaf in the local markets and helped stabilize prices. The Barak Valley, comprised of Cachar, Karimganj, and Hailakandi districts, is named after the Barak River. The major city in this valley is Silchar.

The Khasis of Barak Valley have endured exploitation by various sections of society, making them a miserable group. Originally from Meghalaya, their ancestors settled in Assam several generations ago. They lack a sense of permanent belonging to this region, as they are surrounded by Bengalis, refugees from Bangladesh, tea garden settlers, Manipuris, and other tribes including Halam, Chourei, Maars, Chachaaris, and Assamese. Although they adhere to a matriarchal society, which is strictly practiced in Shillong, it is not followed strictly in this

area.

The head man in this village is typically male, but women handle financial matters and even the youngest daughter does not adhere to this tradition. There have been many changes in their food habits, cooking methods, festivals, and marriages. They have a liking for Western culture, music, dance, and clothing. They learn English more quickly than any other language due to the Khasi dialect, which uses the Roman script. Hindi and Bengali are relatively more challenging for them. In the Barak Valley, rainfall occurs from April to mid-October, and cultivation starts in June. The plucking of betel leaves happens in January and February.

The community depends on streams and wells for their drinking water. Their diet consists of rice, vegetables, fish, pork, and chicken. They encounter various health problems including malaria, typhoid, jaundice, diarrhea, dysentery, tuberculosis, and cancer. In addition to that, smoking and alcohol consumption are common habits among them. The children suffer from malnutrition due to unhealthy food choices. Furthermore, the population is rapidly increasing with families having 5 to 6 children. Poverty is prevalent throughout the community. Most individuals practice Christianity as their primary religion.

Despite their long-term residency in the area, a significant number of people in the community hold a tribal religion and harbor a strong dislike for Bengalis because they consider themselves as micro-minorities. This mindset causes them to perceive others as adversaries, resulting in their inherent timidity and fear of people. As a consequence, only a few individuals from this community have received an education, and only a small portion of the entire Barak Valley population have managed to obtain government jobs in Assam.

The majority have returned to Meghalaya for employment. Additionally, they continue to cultivate forest land.

They live in the forests because they cultivate paan (Beetle leaves) and require trees for this purpose. In the past, the headman would possess the land, and others would work under him as it was never owned by them. The Forest Department would provide them with land for cultivation, but the Forest Personnel would often harass them by taking money from them. Recently, the government has started giving them permanent allotments of land, allowing the entire village to have land. Their sole occupation is cultivation, but nowadays they also plant beetle nuts. Rubber cultivation has decreased in involvement, with only about two or three villages still participating.

Very few of the Khasis own paddy fields, but when they settle on hillocks, nearby paddy field

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