Women and International Migration: a Cross-Cultural Analysis Essay Example

employment in overseas destinations. According to ILO (2001), It is the gender-segregated labour markets as well as the sexual division of labour in the household that determine gender-selective migration flows. Stated simply, men and women follow different migration patterns (e.

g. they migrate for different reasons) ecause they do different things in the sending country and are expected to engage in gender-specific occupations on arrival in the host country. The social, economic and environmental contexts of the society determine the different roles men and women have in the migration processes. Women migrants not only show different demographics, motivations and strategies but they also have significant influence on social transformations at family, household and community levels both in places of origins and destinations.

The explanations for international migration are diverse, complex and inter-linked (Massy, et. l. , 1993 and Russell, 1995). Titelbaum and Russell (1994:229) suggest, “International migration may be best seen as a focal point of intersection among economic, demographic and political differentials. As these disparities widen, so does the potential for (although not necessarily the actuality of) international migration. ” International migration is a strategy used by women and men in developing countries with problems of low income, poverty, unemployment and limited economic opportunities and socio-political problems such as ethnic tension and violence, and personal and group insecurity.

Over the last 25 years, there has been little concerted effort to incorporate women issues into theories of international migration. Yet, understanding these issues are critical in the migration context. In part because migration theory has traditionally emphasized the causes of international migration over questions of who migrates, it has often failed to adequately address gender-specific migration

experiences. Without clear theoretical underpinnings, it becomes difficult to explain, for example, the conditions under which women migrate, or the predominance of women in certain labor flows and not in others.

Furthermore, traditional theory fails to help us understand the circumstances that encourage women to become transnational migrants, to enter into trafficking channels, or to seek refugee resettlement. Answering these questions and other more gender-sensitive inquiries requires showing how a seemingly gender-neutral process of movement is, in fact, highly gender-specific and may result in differential outcomes for men and women. Today the question, "How can women be incorporated into our understanding of migration? " remains only partially answered for a variety of reasons.For example, understanding migration and constructing useful theories must take into account many different types of migration, including temporary, permanent, illegal, labor, and conflict-induced migration.

Developing a gendered theory (where the impact of migration on women and on gender roles and relations) of migration has been difficult because the disciplines of anthropology, sociology, political science, economics, demography, law, and history have tended to focus on only a few types of migration and stress different explanations.Also, incorporating gender as an explicit part of migration theory has more recently been influenced by developments in feminist perspectives in North America, which continue to challenge more orthodox views. During the l960s and 1970s the majority of migrants were men; this pattern changed during the 1980s as women became nearly one-half of the international migrant population, as they are today. Despite the traditional thought that women migrate for family reunification, over half of the female migrants from Southeast Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean moved in search of employment.In

South Asia and Africa, the percentage of female migrants relocating for economic motives approaches 50 percent.

Thus, although men and women account for about equal proportions of international migration, research has concentrated much more on factors affecting men’s migration. This relative dearth of knowledge about women’s migration has occurred in circumstances where its determinants are recognized as being complex, ranging from situations where they are the main or only decision makers, to situations where they are equal partners, to those where they have no role in the decision making process.The neglect of research on women’s migration is attributed to a number of circumstances including the emphasis placed on the human capital model in migration theory, in which migration is seen as motivated by economic opportunity; an underestimation of women’s economic activity and labour force participation; a general neglect of women in scholarly social science research; the fact that most researcher on migration has been carried out on men; and, in particular to inadequacies in existing data on women’s migration.Lack of importance given to women in migration is also due to the societal context, where women’s roles and positions in the family and the community emphasize their dependence on men. Their movements to overseas destinations are believed to be limited and often associated with men’s emigration.

One of the major obstacles to a deeper analysis of gender in international migration is the lack of sex-disaggregated data on emigrants and their characteristics.Within the context of labour migration, only economically active migrants were accepted as worthy of sociological investigation and thus as women were supposed to be economically inactive, they were neglected by researchers. For an increasing number

of women globalisation has led to migration: more and more women are involved in internal, regional and international migration to find jobs. As one of the most striking economic and social phenomena of recent times, the feminisation of international migration raises crucial policy issues and concerns.

Stated very simply, the policy concerns derive from the fact that the problems faced by migrant women are compounded by their being both women and migrants. From a gender perspective, women should have equal opportunities and treatment as men in immigration and emigration policies and in access to international labour markets. On the other hand, their status as women, as migrants or non-nationals, and as workers in gender-segregated labour markets makes international women migrant workers particularly vulnerable to various forms of discrimination exploitation and abuse.In view of the above stated drawbacks/shortcomings in the research on female migration, the present study would make an attempt to explore the social, political, psychological and individual context of female migration.

Overview of Literature In the 1960s and early 1970s the phrase "migrants and their families" was a code for male migrants and their wives and children. The women's movement, however, with its emphasis on the situation of women, caused some to question the near-invisibility of women as migrants, their presumed passivity in the migration process, and their assumed place in the home.Research in the 1970s and the 1980s began to include women, but did not cause a dramatic shift in thinking about who migrated, how immigration was explained, or the likely consequences. One of the central questions about women during this period was whether migration "modernized" women, emancipating them from their assumed traditional values

and behaviour. Gradually, the "add women, mix and stir" or the "gender as a variable" approach appeared in more and more research.

Yet, this research ultimately did not question the underlying models used to explain why people moved, where they went, and how they integrated.Instead, differences between men and women were noted, and then explained as reflections of different sex roles. In the neoclassical economic models and the push-pull demographic models of the 1970s and 1980s, for example, migration was seen as the outcome of individual decisions. The responsibilities of women as wives and mothers (and the role of men as breadwinners) were thought to influence the decisions of women.

These gendered responsibilities were believed to explain why women were less likely than men to participate in migration decisions or in the labor force of the host country when they did join their husbands.The dual argument that gender is an integral part of the migration process and that theories of migration must incorporate it has also influenced other areas of migration research. For example, critics have observed that economic factors do not have a gender-neutral impact. At the macro level, national economic development may affect the economic roles of men and women in different ways, thus stimulating or retarding the international migration of women versus men.

Similarly, the demand for labor in receiving countries can also be gender-specific, as seen in the migration of women domestic workers to North America, the Middle East, and Europe. Emphasizing the need to incorporate gender has also influenced network theory. Early research that focused on the importance of networks to stimulate and sustain migration from one area to another tended

to emphasize networks of men. More recent research shows that women have their own networks with other women and utilize them both to migrate and to settle in a new country.

Gender as a "Social Construction" and It’s Impact on Migration Theory Ongoing developments in feminist theory throughout the 1980s and 1990s further contributed to a focus on gender, rather than one based on individual decisions of men and women. Gender is seen as a core organizing principle that underlies migration and related processes, such as the adaptation to the new country, continued contact with the original country, and possible return. Most important is the view that while sex is defined as a biological outcome of chromosomal structures, gender is "socially constructed. In feminist theory, gender is seen as a matrix of identities, behaviors, and power relationships that are constructed by the culture of a society in accordance with sex. This means that the content of gender — what constitutes the ideals, expectations, and behaviors or expressions of masculinity and femininity — will vary among societies. Also, when people interact with each other, by adhering to this content or departing from it, they either reaffirm or change what is meant by gender, thus affecting social relationships at a particular time or in a particular setting.

This means that gender is not immutable but also changes and, in this sense, is both socially constructed and reconstructed through time. The feminist view of gender as a "social construction" has raised two questions that have fuelled much of the research in the study of women and migration over the last decade. The first relates to patriarchy, or the hierarchies of

power, domination, and control men use to rule women. How does patriarchy, which gives men preferential access to the resources available in society, affect women's ability to migrate, the timing of that migration, and the final destination?The second question focuses on the interpersonal relationships between men and women.

How do women's relationships to family members, including spouses, change with migration? In other words, how is patriarchy altered or reconstituted after migration? Some studies ask if labor force participation in the host country affects women's authority within the family and their sense of control, and contributes to men assuming more responsibilities for housework and childcare.Others ask if migration of either men or women influence power relations and decision making between men and women. Studies that examine transnational migration, where migration creates and sustains social ties and various activities between two or more countries, often focus on individuals and the interpersonal relationships among individuals. One initiative in migration research undertaken by anthropologists is to examine the dynamics of power relationships when men migrate, leaving women behind in the origin country.

It is interesting to note that many researchers in various parts of the world place migrant women on a traditional modernity continuum, and assumed to be striving for western, modern and “emancipatory” values. Lebon (1979) in his study implied that immigrant women may be adopting the model of indigenous French women for whom the norm is to work outside the home, the implicit assumption being that it is not the norm for migrant women. Likewise Patterson (1965,p. 266) speaks of ‘general improvement resulting from migration’ and Foner (1979, p. 3) states that ‘regardless of other drawbacks that residence

in England has for Jamaican women, the chance to earn a regular wage has led to a dramatic improvements in their lives’.

Morokvasic in the 1970s, was one of the first to address that women’s migration is not only a response to economic problems, but also often a deliberate action to escape other social problems such as marital discord and conservative social legislation and practices. There is also evidence that women’s ability to earn and send home remittances has increased their social status.Hence, there are actually economic and non-economic factors that influence women’s decision as to whether or not to migrate. Although migration can be associated with women’s empowerment, it does not necessary follow that women who migrate will be empowered.

In fact the opposite may be the case (Hugo, in Presser 2000). Some researchers have concentrated on the cultural diversity and the adaptation of migrants in the host country as well as the maintaining of the local identities of their country of origin by the migrants. (Choudhury 1995, Eade 1997, Gardner 1995, Visram 1993).Justification of the study Analysing the gender dimension of international migration helps to distinguish cultural differences between men and women and how they interact and shape the historical and social dimensions of international migration. Local and global gender relations influence international migration, and each culture’s gender relations are the effect, in part, of past local and global migration changes.

Men and women are by nature different. Their differences reflect on how they perceive migration and therefore produce different impacts as they migrate.Gender-differing interactions are influenced by differences in biology, as well as social and economic pre-suppositions and interests. For these reasons,

international migration will have different impacts on women and men in any culture or sub-culture. Recently, international migration has become a world phenomenon. It is estimated that in the1990s, 120 million people were living abroad (McFalls, Jr , 1998).

In the last decade, population mobility within Southeast Asian countries and the countries outside them, has been increasing.This phenomenon has influenced redistribution in southeast Asian countries, and socio-economic and cultural changes that have impacted population mobility (Firdausy , 1998). A classic migration theory suggests that most migrants are men in their productive age, looking for better economic opportunities and, women are their husbands’ dependents (Demographic Institute, 1981). Recent global trends indicate that this statement faces some challenges since more and more women migrate, not only as their spouses’ dependents, but are also migrating independently, for economic reasons, as students and refugees.Moreover, recent data depict that women have been exercising inter-country movement, as opposed to the classic formula that they only move to closer places as compared to their partner. The significance of women in international migration lies not only in their increased numbers, but also through their contributions to economic and social life in receiving and sending countries.

Women migrants have always been active in the labour market in receiving countries and have always been a source of family income in their origin countries.Despite the benefits of their migrating status, women also form significant numbers of undocumented workers, some of them experienced unpaid or poorly paid jobs and, racial and sex discrimination in the labour market might lead to their unemployment (Kofman and others , 2000). Although issues on women-related migration have been increasing in recent

decades, the plight of their situation has not yet been widely addressed. It appears that most studies on migration are gender-neutral and utilize models based on male experiences (Simon and Bretell, 1986).Thus we see that female migration has so far been neglected in the vast literature of migration from the developing countries to the developed ones.

Only 5% of the total studies undertaken on migration are restricted to female migration. The need is therefore to concentrate solely on women involved in international migration as there is not much data available on the individual context of female migration which addresses the factors that determine the reason for their migration, how decision to migrate or stay behind is reached, is there any change in the socio-cultural profile of women in the last decade and the like.This are some of the issues that will be addressed in this study and will contribute significantly in understanding the changing face of international migration and the need for gender-specific studies. Context of the Study The available literature on the South Asian migration has concentrated on the coping or adaptation capacities of communities whether it was Pakistani, Bangladeshi or Indian.

Not many have tried to see the common threads or deviations among the communities coming from Indian sub continent. The study of Migration process has been skewed towards migrant men.This study is an attempt to view the impact of migration on women, their views, their stories, and their coping strategies. The study focused on women due to number of reasons, some of them are” 1)Due to neglect of women by researchers on migrant studies 2)The underlying assumption that women pay a passive

role in migration. 3)From sociological perspective women play an important role in socialization i. e.

attitudes, culture, religion of the children born there (influence of women in assimilation of the community in the migrant society). )Race relations and immigration to England are two topics of paramount concern in both Great Britain and India. An understanding of these immigrants is not only important from the social science point of view but also for planners, policy makers and layman. Therefore, this work focuses on studying South Asian women’s adaptive behavior in England what it seeks to present is a reasonable comprehensive picture of the quality and character of the self-created world of Asian women and the way they are bringing their children in the changed environment Field Situation and Access.As during the review of literature it was found that a number of studies were carried out in London, Manchester, Gloucester, Lancashire with the exception of Birmingham (South Asian dominated region in Midlands), Birmingham was chosen as the Universe of Study.

Going through a detailed historical listing of advent of South Asians in Birmingham is beyond the scope of this study, though the next chapter will give a brief account of the same. Table 1. 1 gives the Growth of Britain’s South Asian Population while table 1. 2 gives year wise movement from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh to Britain (1991 to 2001) Table 1. : South Asian Population in Britain Country of Birth19611971198119912001 India814002407306737048238211053411 Pakistan24900127565295461449646747285 Bangladesh64562157881283063 Table 1. 2 : Migration from Indian Sub continent to Britain over a decade (1991-2001) Year/StateIndiaPakistanBangladesh 1991568058202780 1992550070602520 1993489066502550 1994478062403050 1995486063103280 1996462062502720 1997464555652870 1998543073553635 19996295118653285 20008045110053680 20017280115354050 The Tables clearly reveals the

increasing number of migrants from Pakistan and Bangladesh to Britain.

Methodology This study will not be based on any hypothesis and would be basically exploratory in nature. The data would be collected empirically from the field. Description of the variables to be studied 1. Reasons for migration: education, work, family or any other.

2. Decision to migrate: is the decision to migration taken by women themselves, is it a family decision or due to any other socio-political reason. 3. Socio-cultural Profile : age at migration, educational background, economic background, religion, kin or friends abroad.

4.Economic activities: what kind of occupations are these women engaged in and their earning level. 5. Role and Status: has their been any change in their status and role in the family and community life due to their migrant status or is it still the same as it was in their country of origin especially regarding decision making, financial matters, children and division of work at home. Field Situation and Access My fieldwork is a ‘network study’ since this was the most practicable way of working in a large town with a population as geographically spread as the South Asian Settlers.Also methodologically, it was the only way of being certain to get the right criteria.

If I had used a statistical sample, there was the possibility of leaving out important criteria in a universe of such small size. The study attempts to throw light on how South Asian women have been able to cope with changes due to migration, their adjustment pattern, their coping strategies, their status in the family and society, their economic profile, their relationship with their husband and children,

their personal growth, social networks which have been influenced as a result of migration.The study aims to offer a culturally sensitive viewpoint about the life of South Asian women in Britain. The ethnic and cultural background of researcher helped in the process of data collection.

Two case studies of twice-born South Asian Women (One Muslim and One Sikh) have also been incorporated. Limitations Population census is the main source of data on international migration. Unfortunately, most census like other main sources of data from population registers and border statistics, fail to publish data on international migrants by sex.Due to the nature of the phenomenon of migration itself, it is difficult to get accurate data on international migration and there are other overall inadequacies about the accuracy of data on the actual outflow of emigrants A longitudinal data collection technique would be able to show how the process of migrant women’s adaptation differ overtime, whether these processes are different for different types of women , and the degree to which the consequences differ (e. g. , are less favorable) for migrant women than migrant men.

However, due to resource constraints the present study would not be able to pursue such a research. Chapter IIA Historical Perspective of South Asian Migration to Britain Although the principal concern of this work is to explore the qualitative character of South Asian Women migrants some mention of the history of their migration as well as quantitative dimension is also required. The migration of South Asian Community to Britain can be viewed with relation to colonial rule, political ideology and “Push”and“Pull” factors of economies. Migration to Britain from the India sub-continent

is often though to have started after independence in 1947. In fact, it goes much further than that; it is the direct result of long contact between Britain and India.This contact began in 1600 when Queen Elizabeth I granted a charter to the East India Company, giving it a monopoly of trade with India.

British rule over India resulted in the movement of Indians to all the countries of the Commonwealth including Britain itself. India was initially a source of cheap labor and Indians were used to fill the gap needed to run British-owned, labour intensive industries. Indians built the East African Railway and worked as sailors on the British Merchant Navy. Indian soldiers fought for Britain in both world wars and many won some of the highest possible awards for bravery.Many servants and “Ayahs” (Nannies) were brought to Britain during this period Sake Deen Mohammed, the “Shampooing Surgeon” (Barber) to George IV, came to Britain with Captain Baker in 1784 and published his first book the “Travels of Dean Mohamet”. The history of South Asians is thus closely connected to the Birtish labour market and International Economic conditions.

Although large scale South Asian presence in Britain is related to post world war phenomenon its history goes back as far as seventeenth century. The earlier migration was intimately bound up with the trade between the British Empire and the Indian sub-continent.Some of the people from the sub-continent were taken as personal aids (servants) by English Saabs and Memsaabs, while others joined the ships leaving the Indian ports as labourers is Lascars from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Western India. Those who migrated in this manner were generally

young and once reaching their destinations provided cheap labour to industries/factories that were coming up in Britain. These migrants helped their kin to make an entry to Britain by providing relevant documents and money.

This led to “Chain Migration”, whereby each entrant helped few more to be part of the wider migration process.These migrants were looking for economic gains and for them coming to England was a means of accumulating money which could be used back home for buying land and improving the living condition of the family members. Most often all the male members of a family and next to kin migrated to Britain, with the exception of one’s who could be trusted to deal with financial matters back home and to take care of women and children. Almost all South Asian countries had access to employment in the land being a part of commonwealth, to which they responded by mass-migration.

There were areas in the countries like “Doaba region of Punjab with villages like Jandiali”, Sylhet of Bangladesh, “Gujranwala”, Rawapindi from Pakistan which became centers of out-migration. However the growing number of South Asians in Britain was causing public concern and by early 1960’s had become an issue for governmental debate (Solomos, 1989:45). There was no doubt that cheap labour from developing and over populated south Asian countries were providing an invaluable supply of labour and contributing to British economy, they came to be viewed as potential threat by the local natives.Such feelings led to introduction in 1962 of Commonwealth Immigration Bill, which restricted the entry only to those who possessed work vouchers issued by Ministry of Labour Employment. This was a decisive watershed

in policy and the first restrictive step to non-whites in Britain. The salient dimension of pre 1962 migration was that the migrants were predominantly, unskilled males, who did any kind of work, as long as it paid them well.

Members of a family, kin, relations, village or district lived together in a house so as to maximize their savings.However, the 1962 Act brought about considerable changes in the migration process. Although it was an attempt to limit immigration, the period from 1962 to 1965 saw greatly increased movement from South Asia to Britain. The new “Labour Voucher” system was seen by South Asians as a curtailment of their economic ambitions, and also a threat of them being isolated for ever from their loved ones.

Thus men called their wives, children, relatives, village-mates and all those who were eligible and had support in Britain found themselves in the foreign land.This period saw the entry of South Asian women to Britain and changed the social-cultural context of the host country. Deakin sees this as an unintended consequence of the immigration controls he suggests that the male chain migration (where a man spent few years in Britain and was then replaced by another male relative) towards families coming for settlement. According to 1971 census nearly 70% of the Pakistani born females in Britain arrived after 1967. Since 1960’s the immigration Act lessened the number of entrants from South Asia to Britain with little relaxation towards the end of 1990’s and early 2000, but it ertainly changed the type of migration from unskilled labour to professionally qualified workers. Models of Migration Migration as per dictionary meaning is a permanent

or semi-permanent change of residence.

It can be from one part of the country to another or from one country to other. The cross-continental migratory movements are very difficult to understand, although there are a number of anthropological approaches to international migration, none of them give a satisfactory explanation of the migration process, migration especially international migration has remained somewhat marginal to mainstream anthropology.According to Everett S. Lee, the factors which affect the decision to migrate may be classified as follows: 1)Factors associated with the area of origin 2)Factors associated with the area of destination 3)Intervening obstacles 4)Personal factors Lee presents the first three of there in diagram form to show the movement. + Attracting o Neutral- Repulsing Figure: Origin and destination factors and intervening obstacles in migration All the areas have countless factors, which tend to hold people together while there are others which tend to repel them.

In the figure these are shown as ‘+’ and ‘-’ signs by Lee. These set of plus and minus factors at both area of origin and destination would be viewed differently by every migrant or prospective migrant depending on their personal factors. However, the factors associated with the area of origin and area of destination are difficult to evaluate as the knowledge about the area of destination is seldom exact and dependent on the perceptions that one makes on the information given by others.Similarly, the intervening obstacles such as financial outlay, official restrictions and difficulties, particularly the role of immigration laws and their application, the process of chain migration and many personal factors affect individual motivations and facilitate or retard migration. However, this does not provide a

clear understanding about the migration and raises the most pertinent question “Why do people migrate? ” Theoretical perspectives on migration can be classified under two heads – The first attempts to cover all migration under general heading of push-pull hypothesis.Based on classical economics and drawing on the works of Ravenstein it suggests that migration is due to socio-economic imbalances between regions, certain factors ‘push’ persons away from their areas of origin, while there are other factors which ‘pull’ them to the area of destination.

The best of these studies indicate the complexities of causes and effects, locating them in socio-economic context (e. g. Oberoi and Singh , 1983, Gilbert and Gugles; 1981 and Laite, 1981 ). These perspectives, however do not take into consideration the intervening and personal factors.Peterson argues that “man migrates because of wanderlust” and goes on to suggest that people migrate either in order to achieve new conditions or in response to a change, which affects them and they want to retain what they have.

However, both these assumptions are unable to explain as to why individuals respond differently in similar situations. They do not give proper understanding of how social factors affect individual decision-making. Galbraith on the other hand, argues that international migration results from the global need to balance economic and population inequities.Thus people from labour surplus countries move to areas where there is enough work, which the local population is unable to take. According to him “Over the last two centuries the individuals seeking escape from equilibrium of poverty……… have had one remarkably certain recourse.

For most of those who have attempted it, it has served well. For their

children, even better……... The recourse is for those who reject accommodation to move from the poor country to one of the advanced nations. According to Neo-marxist interpretations, migration can be best understood in terms of exploitation, the result of capitalist imperialism.

The famous articulators of this notion are Gundur Frank and Immanual Wallerstein . According to this view, politically and economically colonized Southern Countries, are unable to develop on their own right and have not only provided raw material to the imperialist countries, but have helped them in capital accumulation also by providing cheap labour via slavery, indentured labour and in modern days through labour migration (other proponets of this approach include Rhoades, 1998; Meillassoux, 1981, Castles et al. 1984,Cohen, 1987) From this point of view, migration is the result of inequality among nations; those who migrate act passively in the global labour market. Structural and Contextual Factors Those discussing the structural and contextual factors discuss linkages between places that reflect levels of aggregation, ‘above’ the individual, the family, the culture, the polity, the economy and so on. These linkages, according to their paradigm are conditions that influence an individual’s decision to immigrate.

According to them, there are major categories of factors that influence international migration flows.IState-to-State Relations and Comparisons Theorists have devoted considerable attention to international economic relationships as a factor in immigration theory. These approaches have a political dimension too, usually ascribing dominance (or exploitation) to capitalist societies. The various dimensions of economic and political relations that affect immigration decisions are -Differences between internal and political system -Mutual political recognition -Political dependency or dominance and military alliances -Economic dependency or dominance and trade agreements

-Emigration and immigration policies Economic and technical assistance programs -Disparities in level of economic development IIMass Culture Connections Cultural and Linguistic differences once served as formidable barriers to immigration. These barriers have greatly diminished owing to factors as the internalization of the mass media, accessibility of international travel to large numbers of people, and the rapid spread of English as the major international language.

An analysis of the following factors illustrate the weakening of cultural distance between nations -Cultural similarity or dissimilarity, value systems Cultural dependency or dominance, ‘Westernization’ -Media diffusion – Television, Radio, Films, Music, Print Media -Use of a Common Language -Common religion or compatible religious beliefs -Similarity of educational systems -Face-to-Face contacts through international travel IIIFamily and Social Networks Although economic and political factors may be the underlying motive for international migration, but the real process is triggered by family and social network. Today’s immigration laws make provision for family reunification.Studies have also demonstrated relatives and friends made necessary arrangements for movement at both the places of origin and place of destination (Helweg, 1979, Bhacu, 1985, Gardner, 1995). Connections with friends and former community members in destination countries are also potent elements in prompting a move and facilitating settlement by providing help with jobs and housing.

The following aspects of family and social networks related to immigration should be taken into consideration -Geographic dispersion of relatives and friends Geographic dispersion of members of home country or community -Historical depth of family and community migration -Visiting and communication pattern of absent family and friends -Occupational niches of earlier waves of migrants -Social and economic status of previous migrants -Frequency and amount of remittances

-Normative household and family structure -Normative family obligations and commitments Once the pioneers have settled, linkages are established that motivate and facilitate further migration. The social networks also promote geographic clustering in the country of destination.Many of the immigrants who enter a country under provision of family reunification do not have a job to go to. They rely on their relatives or family members for food, shelter and other assistance. The strength and extensiveness of family obligations also plays an important role in the immigration process. Relevant data on family and social networks are not generally available from official data sources, thus it is essential to conduct micro-level studies, usually based on sample surveys on community studies that involves a combination of direct questioning and observation Studies on South Asian DiasporaMigration is a complex process; because similar factors at two different places might not result in migratory movement, in the same way migrants are to be understood as part of both worlds, (the place of origin and destination) to which they relate in a dynamic manner.

Before 1947, all migrants from Indian sub-continent were Indians divided along religion, language and region of origin. In 1947 there was emergence of separate national boundaries, thus giving rise to national identities. However, in 1947 there was emergence of separate national boundaries, thus giving rise to national identities.However, in Britain, there is a general tendency to treat all South Asian immigrants as a single category, overlooking tremendous cultural disparity between different groups and generalizations about one social unit may not be applicable to another, despite of them hailing from the same sub continent. The heterogeneity of South Asian Communities

should be borne in mind by all social science researchers before making any generalizations. A great deal of literature is available about South Asians in Britain.

A large proportion of this focuses upon the Pakistani Community (Dahya 1973 ,Saifullah Khan, 1975 ,1977 , Jeffrey, 1976 , Anwar, 1979 , Ballard 1983, 1987, Werbner , 1990). Other contributions have been made for Sikhs (Helweg ,1979, Ballard and Ballard , 1977) and East African Sikhs (Bhachu , 1985), Bangladeshi Communities (Carey and Shukur , 1985, Adams , 1987, Eade , 1986,89, Peach , 1990, Gardner , 1995) Much of the work on British South Asians over the last four-decade has been largely empirical and concentrated on patterns of migration, kinship and people’s life styles in the UK.Other studies gave attention to the adaptation process, by focusing on the ‘nature’ of social structures and processes that were maintained in Britain by South Asian Community that hindered their assimilation in the British Society. Since there has been unforeseen changes in the world both economically and politically, thus changing the equation of migration that were relevant in 1970’s and early 1980’s.

In response to these global changes, recent work mixes both anthropological and sociological perspectives. But despite this, still social institutions, acism and ethnic identity forms the basis of studies on ethnic minorities. Eade has argued on the applicability of these approaches to the study of minorities labelling them as being culturally determinist. According to him, the academic writing is based on the presumption of cultural essences which are available for empirical investigation, and revealed through social and cultural institutions (Eade 1992:6). However, Gardner is skeptical in outright rejection of these

approaches and emphasis on recognition of their cultural diversity and dynamic nature (Gardner , 1995 : 7) Chapter-III : South Asian Population in BirminghamThe earlier section had dealt with South Asian Migration to Britain, models of Migration and studies conducted on South Asian Community.

This chapter concentrates on South Asian Population in Birmingham. According to 2001 Census, the resident population of Birmingham was 977087 of which 48% were male and 52% were females. Birmingham is technically the biggest city in the United Kingdom. The city is situated in the West Midlands conurbation, of which it forms the largest part. Along with the city of Wolver Hampton, the Black Country and a number of surrounding towns, this conurbation consists of around 2. 5 million people.

Birmingham is part of the traditional county of Warwickshire, although it does not lie within the administrative county of the same name (established 1889). Birmingham is a multi-cultural city, with a large population from the Indian sub-continent and Caribbean, this has meant that the city has a surprising mix of cultures. In the years following World War II a major influx of immigrants from the British Commonwealth changed the face of Birmingham, with large communities from Southern Asia and the Caribbean settling in the city, turning Birmingham into one of the UK's leading multicultural cities.As of 2001 29. 7% of the city's population is made up of ethnic minority communities. Amongst the largest minority communities: 10.

6% of Birmingham residents are Pakistani, 5. 7% are Indian, 6. 1% are Black Caribbean or African, and 2. 9% are of mixed race. Ethnic Group Table 2.

2Ethnic Groups composition of Asian or Asian

British in Birmingham and England EdgbastonBirminghamEngland White65. 970. 490. 9 of which White Irish2. 93.

21. 3 Mixed3. 72. 91. 3 Asian or Asian British17. 019.

5 4. 6 Indian8. 95. 7 2.

1 Pakistani5. 610. 6 1. Bangladeshi0. 82.

1 0. 6 Other Asian1. 71. 0 0. 5 Black or Black British8. 46.

12. 1 Caribbean6. 04. 91.

1 African1. 80. 61. 0 Other Black0.

70. 60. 2 Chinese or Other Ethnic Group5. 01.

20. 9 Source: 2001 Census, ONS Religion Resident population (percentage) EdgbastonBirminghamEngland and Wales Christian51. 859. 171.

8 Buddhist 1. 40. 30. 3 Hindu3.

42. 01. 1 Jewish 2. 60. 20. 5 Muslim 9.

514. 33. 0 Sikh4. 22.

90. 6 Other religions0. 60. 30. 3 No religion 18. 612.

414. 8 Religion not stated 8. 08. 47. 7 Source: 2001 Census, ONSSouth Asian settlers are further concentrated in particular residential localities, usually – although not always in inner city areas. In Birmingham, nearly a quarter of all school entrants are now of South Asian decent and in certain neighbourhoods they form the overwhelming majority.

Since the early 1980s Birmingham has seen a new wave of migration, this time from communities which do not have Commonwealth roots, including people from Kosovo and Somalia. Birmingham's reputation as a city built on migration looks to continue.If Birmingham ended the 19th century as a Commonwealth city, the future diversity of the City is set to be global. History of Indian Community in Birmingham Historical Records show that the Indian community in Birmingham was established by the early 1900s.

Birmingham central library records mention that in 1924 an Indian optician operated in Bath Row. There

is also a record that in the 1930s an Indian student came here to train in the fire service. Many Indian students came to England to study and one of them was Dr Dhani Prem.He became the city's first Asian councilor, representing Great Barr in 1946.

By the 1960s numbers had increased, fuelled by the demand for labour. Many Sikhs came from the Punjab area to work in the industries in Birmingham and a lot of them settled in the Handsworth area. For Indian families education was the key to better prospects. Indian children tried to do well in their new schools . In the 1970s many Asians came to the UK having been expelled from Uganda. A lot of Indians opened shops and restaurants, some became medical personnel and others entered professions such as accountancy and law.

By 2001 the Indian community numbered over 55,000, the second biggest ethnic community in the city. A Brief History of the Pakistani Community The Pakistani community is the biggest ethnic community in Birmingham. By 2001 they numbered over 104,000, nearly twice as many as the second biggest ethnic community which are the Indians. Beginnings Large scale immigration to Britain from Pakistan started only in 1950s, the main reason for this mass migration was firstly, Britain’s policy of encouraging migration from its former colonies to satisfy its manpower needs, after the Second World War.

The other significant reason was partition of India in 1947 which resulted in displacement of millions of people who had to shift to either Pakistan or India, had lost almost everything and had to start life afresh. For them England seemed a better choice giving more

opportunities than either country in the subcontinent.. Many Pakistanis migrated for economic reasons and belonged to rural areas of the country. Majority of them came with the mindset of returning to Pakistan after making enough money in Britain.

There numbers increased through the 1960s and 1970s.Men came over first generally in clusters and then wives, children and dependants followed. Most of the Pakistanis who came to Birmingham were from the Mirpur district in Kashmir. However others were from areas such as Campbellpur, Nowshera and Gujrat. Settled life By the 1960s and 1970s many Pakistanis realized that it was increasingly difficult to return home due to various factors: higher living standards in the UK, the need to maintain established businesses, children had got accustomed to the British school system and way of life and political instability in Pakistan.The community thus stayed back and made attempts to grow.

Balsall Heath was a popular area to live, it was close to many factories where most of them worked and housing was cheap. Homes were often shared between different households and over-crowding, cramped living conditions and lack of adequate sanitary provision was common. Many families tolerated such housing conditions due to lack of money to afford anything better. One survey showed 32% of households were overcrowded. This was often due to the high number of children and relatives living as a family unit.The 1991 census found that 66% of the community was concentrated in the inner city areas of Small Heath , Sparkhill, Sparkbrook , Washwood Heath and Nechells.

Other areas where the community has made its home were Aston, Handsworth, Moseley and Ladywood. Work and Education As the

first wave of immigrants had a background of little if any proper educational qualifications due to various reasons, they became factory workers. With the decline of the manufacturing industries in the city during the 1980s, many Pakistanis became unemployed. By 1991 56% of men had no earned income.Some of the community became self employed .

Retail businesses were started, often involving the whole family. Businesses such as Travel Agents , Chemists and Jewellers sprang up in Balsall Heath's Ladypool Road, Stratford Road, Green Lane in Small Heath and the Alum Rock Road in Saltley. Many private Mini-Cab firms were started, leading to most inner city cabbies being Pakistani. Of course the most famous businesses were the Balti restaurants. Education of the children was always important to the families.

Some state schools were seen as educationally poor and sometimes Muslim values were not maintained.This led to the setting up of private education in specialist schools, where Islamic values were taught. By 1991 there were three of these schools in the city. However, some second or third generation children of the original factory workers have done well out of the state education system and a growing number have become professionals in the fields of medicine, teaching ,community work and local government. A Brief History of the Bangladesh Community According to the 1991 census the Bangladeshi community in Birmingham numbered over nearly 13,000. This is quite a significant number for a relatively recently arrived ethnic groupBeginnings A number of Bengalis began to arrive in the city in the late 1950s and early 1960s.

Most were from the rural area of Sylhet, in Bangladesh. They were mostly men who

aimed to work and send money back home to their families. Many of the men that came over were seamen. However, most of them found work in the factories of inner city Birmingham.

They often lived in crowded houses, near to the factories. The areas of Lozells , Aston and Balsall Heath had a lot of Bangladeshis in the late 1950s and early 1960s. They settled there because property was cheap being of poor standard.However in 1971, a survey for the Race Relations Institute found that few of them wanted to move. Work and Education With poor language skills, due to lack of education in Bangladesh, educational and career prospects were limited. Some Bangladeshi boys began to work part time in relative's restaurants .

Many left school at the earliest opportunity to earn money and got married young. A cycle of low pay and few career opportunities had begun. White workers had begun to reject the unskilled and heavy jobs which were vital to the local metal-bashing industries, so immigrants began to fill the gaps.Some companies like Delta Metal Works in Dartmouth Street, BSA and Morris Motors took the workers on.

By the late 1970s a recession made smaller factories close down and unskilled labourers such as Bangladeshi men found themselves unemployed. However some of the commuity then became employed in the catering industry, a great many working in "Indian Restaurants" which are really Bangladeshi owned. The number of restaurants has continued to grow. Today there are about 500 Asian caterers in Birmingham employing about 4,000 workers. The majority of them are Bangladeshi owned and run.

Community life For some of the population the feeling of

community continues today. Many families shop in specific areas like the Stratford, Coventry , Soho and Alum Rock Roads. The youth try to adapt to their Birmingham background whilst facing pressures from their extended families to retain Bangladeshi Muslim culture. Over the years community and religious groups have sprung up to help the community in some way, trying to replicate the communal village life such as the Sylheti seamen left behind on their journeys to Aston, Balsall Heath and Saltley.Chapter IV: Qualitative Analysis : Findings Of The Study This section will deal with the responses of south Asian women on issues related to areas like causes/reason for migration, effect of migration on education, family, marriage, children, status, roles and responsibilities, attitude, value system and employment. The study is based on in-depth interviews with 30 (thirty) first generation migrant women from South Asia.

The details pertaining to the age, educational background and country of origin is appended at Table 1, Table 1. 1 and 1. . In all 14 Indians (2 Muslims, 2 Sikhs and 10 Hindus), 10 Pakistanis (Muslims) and 6 Bangladeshi (Muslims) women were interviewed.

All these women were residing in Birmingham. Before analyzing the responses, one thing has to be borne in mind that although these three countries fall in the South Asian region and have a shared history, the women of these countries cannot be treated as a homogenous group. They are very diverse due to regional, religious, ethnic cultural background and politico-social system prevailing in their countries.Moreover in the Indian Sub-continent, it is believed that there are cultural changes due to regional variations in customs, language, food, dress code every 50

kms. , so treating any group from here as a homogenous category would be a fallacy. The post-independence social, political and economic environment of these countries has to a great extent shaped the status and role of women, their social interactions and individual lives.

The observations made during the study are as follows: Indian women can be considered more progressive among the three groups.Almost all women from India had minimum “A” level qualification while very few women from Pakistan and Bangladesh had A level or higher qualification Indian women between 20-49 years of age were all degree holders and nearly 65% of them had post graduate qualification and above. Forty percent of Pakistani and 50% of Bangladeshi women had primary education. Only 20% of Pakistani and 17% of Bangladeshi women had post graduate and above qualification Majority of Indian women who have migrated in last two decades are professionals.

All women below 40 years of age had Post graduate qualification and above.Indian Muslim women are more educated than their Pakistani and Bangladeshi counterparts. Young south Asian women were more open and responsive than older women. Women from Pakistan were more responsive to personal questions than women from Bangladesh. Although belonging to the same religious group Muslim women from different countries do not see themselves as an ethnic community. Most of the Bangladeshi women were unemployed.

This study builds on earlier studies done on South Asian women in Britain; however it has restricted itself to first generation migrant women.The purpose of analysis is to explore the processes and dynamics involved in transition made by these women on moving from their respective countries to Britain and the

coping strategies adopted by them. The research interviews aimed to explore the individual views/attitude towards migration, familial support system, coping strategies, push and pull factors in making the transition, changing roles within the kin groups, family and outside world, views about child rearing practices, education, impact on marriage, their personal ambitions and aspirations, attitude towards home, employment and identity.An attempt has also been made to highlight the conflicting social processes in identifying ones role sets.

I hope that findings would be of interest to different cross sections of society especially those working in the fields of ethnicity and gender. Table: 4. 1 Age-Wise and Country-Wise Distributions of Respondents AgeIndianPakistaniBangladeshi Below 201 20-29223 30-39741 40-49321 50 and over32 Total14106 Table 4. 2: Country –wise and Religion-Wise Distribution of Respondents Religion IndianPakistaniBangladeshi Muslim2106 Sikh2 Hindu10 Total14106 Table 4. 3: Country –wise and education-Wise Distribution of RespondentsEducation levelIndianPakistaniBangladeshi Illiterate2 Primary23 Middle2 High School/O level11 A level311 Bachelor’s Degree2 Post Graduate & above921 Total14106 The following sections will offer new insights into the lives and minds of first generation South Asian women. ISSUES RELATED TO MIGRATION The interest of researchers and policy makers in migration of women is of recent origin, women in migration literature were considered as passive migrants.

Passive migrant is used here to refer to those migrants who go as dependants with the main migrant and are incapable of migrating by themselves.They have no say in the decision to migrate and are considered of no economic value by the economic researchers. One of the significant finding of the study is that majority of women who migrated before 1990’s fall in this category of migrants. They did

not have much say in the decision to migrate and had either come to England directly after marriage or joined their husbands who had migrated earlier in search of greener pastures. Women who had migrated after 1990s had played major role in decision-making. These women were educated and had made conscious decision to migrate along with their husbands.

They were prepared to face the challenges associated with migration to a foreign land. Although some of them joined their husbands two or three years later but their influence in decision-making cannot be overlooked. Age at which migrated Women who migrated after marriage were between 20 and 30 years of age at the time of migration, while women who had migrated with their fathers were of less than 12 years of age at the time of migration. Initial Reaction The initial reaction of moving to Britain was of anxiety, nervousness and apprehension. Everything was so different, I felt nervous and apprehensive” (Rajinder Kaur Bedi , Indian Business Woman, Sikh, 40 to 49 years. ) “I was very scared as the place and people were unknown to me and I had come from a much protected environment” (Rahila, Pakistani Business Woman, Muslim, 30 to 39 years.

) To some it was a very lonely experience, coming from a house full of people, to a strange environment with strange people and different lifestyle, while for some the arrival promised a life of opportunities and growth. Support from Family/Relatives AbroadMigration before 90s was influenced to a great extent by presence of family and relatives, which was the major contributing factor supporting the decision to migrate. Jobs, house, children were all taken

care of by family members, and the migrant women did not feel lonely as they could depend on the support of their kin and even distant relatives in the foreign land. “When I got married, my husband’s brother had already migrated and then he started asking my husband to join him.

After one year of my marriage my husband moved to Britain. After two years they called my sister-in-law and me to join them.As we all came together I never felt any apprehension” (Asha Handa, Indian Homemaker, Hindu, 50 and over) In fact people from same village preferred to live together; sometimes two – three families shared the same house. Because of this, it never seemed to these women that they were miles away from their homeland. “When I joined my husband he was staying with his sister’s family, the house was full of people as there was not only my sister-in- law’s family but also her brother-in-law with his wife and two of her husband’s cousins also living with them. ” (Tripti, Indian, helps in family business, Hindu, 50 and over)These women managed to live in Britain without ever knowing a word of English; their children went to local schools and learnt the ways of British People.

As most of the migrants at that time were unskilled and uneducated their main purpose was to set up small businesses, which were eventually taken over by their children and therefore these families did not emphasize much on education. People from a region helped others to migrate and eventually bought houses in the same colony/locality, as a result those areas came to represent people from same background.

This further helped settlement in Britain.The small businesses also supplied to majority of the migrant population and flourished as a result of mass migration. It is interesting to note that in migration prior to 1980s and 90s, presence of a relative was a major positive factor; while for those who migrated later support came from batch mates and professional colleagues rather than relatives. “After clearing his PLAB my husband came here and stayed with two of his batch mates, they cooked in turns and helped each other emotionally as well as financially.

They are a big support to us here” (Shabana, Pakistani, Doctor, Muslim, 30 to 39 years. “Two of my friends were here and they informed me of the openings, they not only provided a place to stay but were helpful in every possible manner” (Pooja, Indian IT professional, Hindu, 20 to 29 years) But all were not fortunate enough to get support from relatives or a friend, for some migration was nothing short of a nightmare. They were born in well to do families and were married to boys living abroad; when these women joined their husbands in Britain they found that the entire family of about 7-8 people lived in two room houses.The houses were therefore overcrowded and they had no place to call their own. They were made to do all the household work, were not allowed to go out and not even write to their parents back home.

“I was a qualified nurse working in a hospital, when I came here I had a lot of dreams, but my life was very tough here, my in laws took away all

my money and jewellery given by my parents, I was made to do all the household work, not given enough to eat and was not allowed to write to my parents, life was very tough. ” (Dalbir, Indian, working in an NGO, Sikh, 50 and over. )Changes made in order to live in Britain There are significant differences between the two societies (South Asian countries and Britain) in terms of dress, language, food, climate, life style and social interaction and norms governing behavior are different. In south Asian Societies, the family structure is hierarchical with clear defined roles and responsibilities. However, there are differences in social roles as per caste, class, location and religion of families. Women from lower castes are allowed to work outside the house while the upper caste women are more or less confined to house.The same holds true for class distinctions. Likewise, women in rural areas are involved in a lot of outdoor activities pertaining not only to agriculture but also collecting wood, water and grazing animals while their urban counterparts are expected to be involved only in the household chores. Since 1980s there have been significant changes in position of women in urban areas and they started working outside their homes in productive activities (in employment), but this has not changed their traditional role positions.Even now the young daughters of middle, upper middle and upper class families lead quite protected lives. One can say that south Asian women in all their social roles lead much protected lives, their relationships and interactions are all governed by social customs and taboos. They are not expected to do any work outside the house

like payment of bills, buying rations/goods for the household etc. They have socially determined roles and their entire socialization process teaches them to look at male members of the family for support and guidance.Another aspect, which distinguishes the two societies, is ready availability of house helpers to do washing, cooking and cleaning in South Asian region, the help that is available in Britain is very expensive. The kind of social support system provided by the community is also quite different in South Asia than in Britain. How did women cope with the demands made upon them, if any, as a result of