Watergate1 Essay Example

to Judge Sirca, stating his intention to disclose the details of Watergate. In his letter, McCord explicitly mentioned that he would not reveal this information to anyone connected with either the Justice Department or the FBI.

In the agent's letter, he provided information about the case. However, he faced server charges and McCord argued that numerous defendants were coerced into pleading guilty and keeping quiet due to political pressure (Westerfled 36). Additionally, he alleged that witnesses in court had committed perjury to protect those responsible for the break-in. McCord expressed concerns that speaking up could put himself, his family, and his friend at risk (Westerfled 36-37).

The Senate Watergate Committee seized the opportunity to uncover the secrets behind the scandal. They afforded James McCord the chance to speak publicly, and during his initial meeting with the committee representatives, he implicated two more individuals in the burglary and cover-up: John Dean and Jeb Margruder. Dean, a White House aide, and Margruder, the second-in-charge of the CRP, were promptly subpoenaed by the Senate Watergate Committee after these serious allegations emerged. Following another session with McCord, where he took the witness stand, it was revealed that Liddy had promised him an executive pardon if he pleaded guilty. This raised doubts about White House involvement, as only the president could grant such a pardon (Westerfled, 40). Subsequently, Jeb Margruder testified as the next witness, confessing to perjury before the Grand Jury and corroborating McCord's claims. On the stand, Margruder also exposed another person involved in the scandal: John Mitchell (Gold, 246-247).

John Dean, the upcoming witness, asserts that the Watergate break-in was merely a part of

a broader abuse of power. Over a span of four years, the White House exploited presidential authority to target not only Nixon's political adversaries but also individuals who criticized his policies. These actions encompassed employing surveillance and intimidation tactics against those who opposed the administration as well as subjecting journalists who voiced dissent to tax investigations for examination.

The WhiteHouse maintained an "Enemies List" (Westerfled 43) comprised of individuals sought for retaliation by the president's associates. Following his termination, Dean retained official documents that substantiated his claims (Westerfled 43-44). In his initial statements, John Dean asserted that he had engaged in discussions with President Nixon about the cover-up during several meetings. In their first meeting in September 1972, Dean conveyed to the president how he and other White House members had managed the cover-up thus far. Dean alleged that during another significant meeting on March 21, 1973, Nixon approved raising $1 million to silence the burglars. However, Dean primarily interacted with the president through H.R. Haldman and John Ehrlichman (Gold 266-308; Westerfled). Following his opening statement, Dean endured four days of questioning from the committee (Gold 266-308; Westerfled).

During the four-day period, the Republicans were primarily focused on the meetings between Dean and the president as they were considered to be the only available evidence. Senator Baker's question about when and what the president knew confused the nation. The Nixon administration responded to Dean's reports by claiming that Nixon became aware of the cover-ups during a meeting on March 21, 1973. According to the White House, in this meeting, Nixon for the first time rejected blackmail from the burglars, thus implicating himself in

this scandal. Polls showed that 70 percent of TV viewers believed Dean's version of events; however, there was a contradiction between John Dean's statement and Richard Nixon's account.

The committee was taken aback when they found out, just a couple of weeks after Deans testimony, that the White House administration had come up with their own version of the meetings between Dena and Nixon. During a routine aid management session, the committee asked how this version had been created. In response, it was discovered that the meetings may have been recorded, as Alexander Butterfield explained that the White House had a recording system in place. He mentioned that the system was installed in two offices, including the Oval Room, and that the taping device was spring-loaded and activated by voice. (Gold 436)

Alexander Butterfields stated that the recording system was implemented with the purpose of preserving all documents. Only a select few individuals were aware of these recording devices, including the president, Haledman, Kigbe, Butterfield, and the secret service.

The committee found the necessary evidence to prove that the president is innocent. The White House had tapes with conversations between Dean and Nixon, which could expose any lies and determine if the president was involved in a criminal conspiracy.

On July 17, 1973, subpoenas were issued by the Senate Committee and special Prosecutor Archibald Cox to President Nixon for the tapes of important meetings. Nonetheless, President Nixon declined their demands and argued that Congress and the special prosecutor lacked the power to request evidence from the executive branch. Despite the White House's refusal to comply, this event was noteworthy because it

marked the initial instance where a U.S. president had been subpoenaed, leading to an intense battle for authority.

During the Senate Committee meeting, there was a discussion about potentially holding the president in contempt of congress. There was uncertainty regarding who would be responsible for apprehending the president since he had control over the Department of Justice, the FBI, and the Armed Forces. To find an alternative method of obtaining the tapes, the committee decided to support Cox and the grand jury's plan of taking legal action in federal court. Both lawsuits were presented to Judge John Sirca, who had previously presided over Watergate burglars' trials. Judge Sirca then ordered that the president surrender the tapes to the special prosecutor. The White House appealed this decision, escalating it to the Federal Court of Appeals.

The White House scandal involving Vice President Spiro T. Anew shocked the nation. Anew had been under investigation by the Department of Justice for accepting bribes in exchange for government contracts, which led to his resignation on October 10, 1973.

On October 15, 1973, the court of appeals upheld Judge Sirca's ruling and demanded that President Nixon hand over the subpoenaed tapes to Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox. Despite Nixon's instruction to Cox not to issue further subpoenas, Cox threatened him with contempt of court if he refused.

Nixon was enraged as he saw Cox's actions as a challenge to his authority as president. In an attempt to dismiss Cox, Nixon ordered Richardson's deputy attorney general William D. Ruckelshavs to do so; however, Ruckelshavs refused and was subsequently fired himself.

Solicitor General Robert H. Bork then

became Attorney General and agreed to fire Cox, resulting in what is now known as the "Saturday Massacre." This situation caused widespread anger among the nation.

To calm public outrage, Nixon eventually agreed to hand over the tapes to Sirca's court and appointed a new Special Prosecutor named Leon Jaworski.

Jaworski agreed to the offer on the condition that Nixon couldn't fire him. The president's lawyers made surprising findings as the special prosecutor examined the tapes. The 18-minute conversation between Nixon and Haldman intensified distrust in the government. On April 11, 1974, Jaworski requested 69 more tapes from the White House. Once again, the Supreme Court instructed Nixon to hand over the tapes as requested (Westerfled 51-54).

During the House Judiciary Committee's public hearings on July 27-30, it was discovered that the White House had engaged in illegal activities. The committee recommended Nixon's impeachment for obstructing justice, abusing power, and defying committee subpoenas meant to impede the impeachment process. The televised committee vote resulted in twenty-seven members supporting impeachment and eleven opposing it. Nixon was accused of misusing his authority and violating citizens' constitutional rights by authorizing surveillance on American citizens through the FBI and Secret Services. He also faced charges for refusing to comply with congress's subpoenas, which violated his duty to uphold the law. Consequently, a trial before the U.S. Senate was necessary for Nixon's potential removal from office; this required a two-thirds majority vote for impeachment. Finally, after significant delay, on August 5, 1974, transcripts were released by the White House that exposed Nixon's involvement in covering up the Watergate scandal since its beginning. These tapes captured Nixon instructing Haldeman

to direct the CIA to halt their investigation as ordered by the FBI.

On August 8, 1974 at nine o'clock, President Richard M. Nixon delivered his last speech. In this address, he acknowledged that he had lost the support of Congress but remained resolute in his determination to persevere. Despite his own reluctance to leave office before his term was up, as the president, he recognized the importance of prioritizing America's interests. He stressed that the country needs a president and Congress who can dedicate their entire focus to addressing the nation's needs. As a result, he publicly announced his resignation from the presidency effective from noon tomorrow.

The next day, President Nixon addressed his emotional White House staff before leaving for his home in San Clemente, California (Westerfled 57). At noon, Vice President Gerald R. Ford was inaugurated as the thirty-seventh president of the United States. In his inaugural speech, he proclaimed, "Our long national ordeal has concluded" (Westerfled 57).

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