Teen Pregnancy In The United States Economics Essay Example
Teen Pregnancy In The United States Economics Essay Example

Teen Pregnancy In The United States Economics Essay Example

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  • Pages: 12 (3037 words)
  • Published: October 18, 2017
  • Type: Research Paper
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Adolescent pregnancy is a significant issue in the United States, with various entities, including government agencies, non-governmental organizations, academic institutions, and private foundations conducting studies on teenagers' involvement in risky sexual behavior. These studies aim to explore effective strategies for reducing and preventing the negative consequences associated with such behavior.

There is a range of opinions on sex education in American schools, with some people supporting comprehensive programs while others prefer abstinence-based approaches. However, there is currently limited research on attitudes towards sex education in the United States, and this research often lacks a theoretical framework. Judith Mackay, an international researcher, highlights the difficulties of gathering cross-cultural data on sex and emphasizes the significance of quantitative methods in comprehending culturally specific attitudes towards sex.

Mackay argues that obtaining the required information for comparison is diffi

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cult because there is no central repository for global sex data. Additionally, only a few countries have comprehensive statistics, and even definitions can vary (Mackay, 2001). Many quantitative cross-cultural comparisons consistently highlight Americans' attitudes as a distinctive cultural characteristic on the global stage.

Although other industrialized countries have successful sex education curricula, the United States is still debating which curriculum to require. The research of Ira L. Reiss and Robert A. Posner highlights the significance of religiosity, gender equality, and gender regulations in shaping attitudes towards sex education across different cultures.

Posner's research focuses on comparing the U.S. with three states, including Japan, in order to conduct a comprehensive analysis. This approach helps to determine the global standing of American attitude. To compare these states, the dependent variables are each state's attitude toward sex instruction. The extent of the public reaction, as well as the

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degree to which the state responds in terms of religionism, gender equalitarianism, and sex ordinances, serves as independent and unique factors. It is crucial to measure the impact of these variables as predictors for attitude toward sex in order to understand the U.S.

The text explains that there is more to be discovered about the current sex education struggle. Comparative studies of different countries regarding sex-related topics can determine which forecasters are the most influential and in which locations. These international comparisons also show how other countries have managed these potential forecasters. The history of sex education in the United States serves as a foundation for understanding why some researchers believe that Americans' views on sex are distinct (Posner, Reiss MULTI CITE).

Chappell et Al. challenges the claim that sex education in U.S. public schools started as early as the 1920s. However, advocates for including this curriculum did not have a leader until the formation of the Sex Education ; Information Council of the United States (SEICUS) in the 1960s.

According to the SEICUS mission, the organization gathered to promote sex education in public schools and provide information about sex to American youth. SEICUS advocated for integrated sex education in Maryland, with the majority of school board members (about 84%) supporting the initiative. However, this support was only limited to within the state. Outside of progressive Maryland, historical evidence reveals that most of the opposition to sex education organized in church cellars (Boonstra, 2008).

SEICUS faced opposition from groups such as the John Birch Society and Christian Crusade Against Communism, who argued that sex education was detrimental to young people and could encourage negative sexual behavior. These groups even

alleged that sex education was a Communist scheme aimed at indoctrinating American youth. Their threats resonated with widespread concerns of the era, resulting in only a handful of states opting to incorporate sex education into public school curricula during the 1970s. The controversy gradually subsided, and advocates for comprehensive sex education remained a minority for approximately ten years, according to public surveys.

The devastating outbreak of AIDS in the 1980s caused much concern and led officials to reconsider the need for sex education in schools. This prompted a surge in scientific research, providing evidence in support of sex education. However, the potential impact of this evidence on policy appeared to stir up resistance.

Reframing the argument completely, in the 1990s there was a backlash against politically-active conservatives, at the same time as the introduction of an alternative to comprehensive sex education by the resistance. Instead of providing teenagers with contraceptive methods to promote safe sex, abstinence-only education "bases its instruction in morality" and encourages teenagers to abstain from all sexual activity until marriage (CITE DEF ; of AB-ONLY). While the United States is grappling with its debate on curriculum effectiveness and preference, numerous policy solutions aimed at reducing teenage pregnancy rates have been successful internationally. According to a nationwide survey conducted by the Guttmacher Institute in 2004, public attitudes towards sex education ultimately mirror Maryland's statistical support from about fifty years ago (CITE). In fact, starting around 2001, most public polls showed overwhelming support for comprehensive sex education (CITE).

The survey's attendance investigation revealed that it was funded by Christian-based organizations opposed to sex education in schools. Many medical and social research experts openly rejected the findings. The

survey received sponsorship from Focus on the Family and the Traditional Values Coalition among other organizations. According to the Guttmacher Institute, there is no scientific evidence supporting abstinence-only education; however, the U.S. federal government continues to fund programs based on this unproven curriculum. This federal support for abstinence programs and the impact of religious conservatism on state-level policy highlight the need to consider religious beliefs when evaluating American attitudes towards sex education.

According to an article, the debate on sex education in America is a clash between ideology and evidence-based arguments (CITE). It can be inferred that when it comes to addressing teenage pregnancy, rejecting factual evidence for baseless solutions requires a strong and current influence. Both Reiss and Posner examined religious beliefs as predictors of attitudes towards sex education. In his 2002 book "Sex and Reason," Robert A. Posner specifically focused on the impact of religious beliefs internationally, including a comparison between the United States and Japan.

Posner argues that the absence of Judeo-Christian influence in Japan may explain the lower rates of teenage pregnancy and abortion compared to Europe and the U.S. According to the literature, spiritual beliefs have traditionally influenced societal attitudes towards sex in these regions, with a particular emphasis on the role of the Roman Catholic Church as highlighted by both Posner and Reiss. Posner specifically criticizes this belief system for fostering guilt, shame, and restrictions on sexual pleasure, which he believes have shaped current American perspectives.

The text discusses the way Western faiths portray human gender as animalistic and stemming from sin. It compares Japan, Sweden, and the United States, highlighting that Japan is notably lacking in Judeo-Christian influence. In Japan, spirituality

takes a backseat to practical matters, with individuals relying on personal discovery rather than guidance from a central authority.

Eastern faiths, such as Taoism, Hinduism, and Buddhism, peacefully coexist and are credited with successfully unifying gender and spirituality (Turner et al. 2006). The influence of religion on sex education is evident in Japan, although it is not seen as damaging like the influence Posner claims Judeo-Christianity has had on the West.

The belief in Japanese spirituality is that it is a personal journey of self-discovery, and the sex education curriculum seems to align with this belief (CITE). Japanese youth are taught the basic biological information at a young age, but their development and progress in this area is entirely up to them. Around the age of 10, students are separated by gender and given scientific information about menstruation and ejaculation. After being introduced to these facts, the path to exploring their own sexuality is considered to be a private matter.

Discussions about sex are not commonly had and are often considered inappropriate. However, as we will further discuss in comparing different cultures, specifically Japan's lenient regulation of erotica and prostitution, there are numerous resources available for exploring sexuality. While Posner attributes much of the sexual stigma in the U.S. to the influence of Judeo-Christian beliefs, another literary source suggests that Sweden's strong Christian/Lutheran influence offers some resistance to this stigma. According to the official website of Svenska kyrkan or the Church of Sweden, up to 7 million residents of Sweden identify themselves as members of this religious community. It can be presumed that such a significant religious following would impact societal attitudes in any other culture, but in

Sweden, the secular state acts as a precautionary measure against potential government interference.

In a 2009 article in the New Statesman, writer Gunnar Pettersson discusses Posner's unapologetic criticism of the Christian tradition regarding negative attitudes towards sex. Pettersson argues that the minimal presence of Christianity in Sweden contradicts Posner's theories, and suggests that the state's flawed political system is to blame for the negativity. Pettersson attributes Sweden's historically rural economy for preserving pre-agricultural ideas until the twentieth century, when they became more solidified. Despite technological and political advancements, old world concepts endured. The writer believes that the state's implementation of secular policies reflects deeply ingrained practical ideas about sexual morality. Thanks to the hardworking peasant class, ideas that most societies abandoned with urbanization survived into the modern era.

Sweden is unique in its belief that the community is best suited to raise children and that monogamous cohabitation emphasizing gender equality is preferred over traditional marriage. Religion is seen as a predictor of attitudes toward sex, and writer Jacqueline Scott argues that Sweden's secular and inclusive approach to childbearing and relationships sets it apart from other industrialized countries. While there are conflicting theories, most studies indicate that religion has a significant influence on Americans' perception of sex. The impact of religion on societal perceptions of sex is still uncertain due to limited research, but American religiosity is growing in popularity.

Overall, the primary focus in research on societal attitudes is the strong influence of American political orientation in both public and political domains, often seen as a distinguishing factor on a global scale. While Sweden's historical separation of powers differs from Japan's successful integration of the two through spirituality,

the struggle for policy determination continues in the United States. Reiss and Posner have both identified gender equality in various social institutions as a predictor of sexual attitudes. Just as the relationship between the political and spiritual domains significantly shapes the impact of religion on attitudes, the relationship between society's gender domains also plays a role. Researchers in Sweden caution against the prevalence of gender stereotypes in sex education, while equal treatment in the workforce and representation in politics contrast gender roles in Sweden with those in Japan (CITE-avoid stereotypes in Swedish education).

Posner argues that, despite blaming religionism for societal attitudes, the traditional gender roles influenced by Judeo-Christian values are still prevalent in Japan, even though the church has little presence there (POSNER). Studies indicate that Japanese women tend to be sexually conservative compared to American standards. Posner suggests that this may be due to relatively few Japanese women working outside the home, resulting in their dependence on men and lower rates of "illegitimate" births in the country. A survey conducted by Miyoko and Yutakas in 2008 found that Japanese women over the age of 40 were most concerned about gender equality.

This age group is often credited with achieving equal opportunity rights for both genders in 1985. They represent the initial wave of feminist empowerment in Japan. In a 1995 survey conducted by Matsui, it was found that the growth of capitalism in Japan and the thriving economy was due to the distinct separation of male and female roles influenced by parents. Matsui discovered that a majority of young Japanese women surveyed expressed displeasure towards their stay-at-home mothers for pressuring them into conforming to

traditional gender expectations.

However, in Japan, motherhood is viewed as just as important as any other job for men - an integral part of society. Studies indicate that this parental influence on teenage girls, regarding the choice between family and a career, has effectively discouraged risky sexual behavior. The recognition and value of motherhood as a "calling" in Japan discourage teenagers from unintended pregnancies and abortions. In this culture, the stigma lies in disrespecting or completely rejecting the role of being a mother.

In the United States, the stigma lies in becoming a mother at a young age or outside of marriage. In Sweden, the stigma is in not utilizing all available preventative resources. The strong connection between motherhood and permanence in Japanese society is a central theme in Swedish sex education. The mandatory sex education in Sweden teaches what Japanese parents teach. In Sweden, where gender equality is evident in both politics and the workforce, equal responsibility is also emphasized, especially in regards to unintended pregnancy. According to Peterrsson's observations, this is largely due to the ingrained societal belief that the community collectively raises the child.

Unplanned pregnancy in Sweden is not only seen as a negative outcome for the individual teenager but also for all Swedish taxpayers. James Wagoner, President of U.S.-based Advocates for Youth, states that discussing pregnancy with teenagers and emphasizing its impact on their lives is seen as vital in sex education in Sweden. "They are much more open to discussing sex than in the U.S. There is a cultural norm that teenage pregnancy interferes with your future career. That is very evident."

Wagoner's organization is conducting research on adolescent sexual activity worldwide. The

organization links the use of freely accessible contraceptives and high contraceptive usage to mandatory sex education that warns about the negative consequences of teenage pregnancy (CITE). Sex education is seen as a way to control the adverse effects of irresponsible sexual behavior. Teaching equal responsibility is emphasized to promote gender equality. In Sweden, teaching responsibility to both genders as a means of preventing unhealthy sexual behaviors among teenagers goes beyond the classroom.

Due to government subsidies, abortion and contraceptive methods have significant effects on the Swedish community (CITE). In Sweden, there is a responsibility for preventing pregnancy, ensuring information and access to resources for teenagers. In the United States, the responsibility for prevention falls on teenagers, but parents still hold the power. Unlike the respected influence of Japanese parents, parental consent and notification laws exist in the U.S.

Granting American parents authority over teens' access to contraception and abortion is also accompanied by the option for parents to utilize "opt-out" clauses, which exist in various states. These clauses provide parents with the ability to prevent their child from participating in any comprehensive sex education classes that they deem inappropriate. Although studies indicate that American parents are unlikely to openly discuss sex with their teenagers, other sources confirm that these same adolescents are consuming significant amounts of online and television content promoting casual sex (CITE-media/sex, parents not talking).

Media in the United States is regulated because it is seen as a threat to young people. This is supported by a citation. Sweden, on the other hand, emphasizes sex education and uses television and the internet as a means of promoting a positive message. Swedish youth have access to media

as a way of learning about safe sex. In contrast, opportunities like this have not been taken advantage of in American media.

Americans consider teenage gender to be problematic, particularly evident in their regulations on abortion, contraception, and sex education. However, the biggest point of divergence when comparing attitudes towards sex education between the United States and Sweden and Japan lies in regulations on pornography (CITE). Sources indicate that these two countries adopt a more comprehensive approach towards addressing pornography, with minimal restrictions on access and content, excluding child pornography. Sweden often employs pornography as an educational tool, while in a Japanese classroom, the likelihood of pornography being shown is similar to that in the United States.

However, this does not mean that pornography is stigmatized as it is in the U.S. In Japan, pornography can be equally educational as in Sweden, it simply does not have a place in the classroom. If Swedish sex education is a discussion and American sex education a debate, Japan's is a private and personalized journey of self-discovery. According to Posner, the Japanese find it culturally acceptable for teenagers to watch adult videos or read manga, adult comic books. The literary plot line removes the stigma from nudity and extreme subjects such as rape and bondage, which would directly violate censorship codes in the U.S. From the guilt-ridden, manga-reading teenagers in Japan to the condom-wearing teenagers experiencing pornography in Swedish classrooms, no two countries perceive teenage sexuality the same.

Even though these two states have taken different approaches to sex education, they have both achieved success in relation to the United States. The American population is unsuccessfully trying to learn techniques from

either end of the political spectrum. However, policymakers continue to fail when it comes to addressing teenage pregnancy. Cross-cultural studies consistently show that American attitude is the key factor. Further research at the international level is the best way to measure the influence of religion, gender equality, and sex laws on this societal attitude. By examining how these three factors affect attitudes towards sex internationally, other countries' successful methods for controlling these predictors are revealed. Controlling these predictors is the first step in managing Americans' negative attitude towards sex education, as this attitude hinders policy success in the United States.

The following and their contents should be kept:
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    - The text within the

    tags specifying "Beginnings"
    - The text within each

  1. tag (the references)

    unified text with the and their contents:

    Beginnings

    1. Boonstra, H. D. 2008. Matter of Faith: Support for Comprehensive Sex Education Among Faith-Based Organizations. Guttmacher Policy Review 11:1.
    2. Scott, J. 1998. Changing Attitudes to Sexual Morality: A Cross-National Comparison. Sociology 32:4 pp 815-845.
    3. Matsui, M. 1995.

    Gender Role Perceptions of Nipponese and Chinese Female Student in American University. Comparative Education Review 39: 3 pp 356-378.

  2. Timmerman, J. H. 1999. Sexuality and Spirituality. Human Development 20:3 pp 5-11
  3. Posner, R.
  4. A. 1992. Sexual activity and Reason. First Harvard University Press.

  5. Santelli, J. S. and A.
  6. J. Melnikas 2010. Adolescent Fertility in Passage: Holocene and Historic Trends in the United States. Annual Review of Public Health 31 pp 371-83.
    ;Dailard, C. 2001. Sex Education: Politicians, Parents, Teachers and Teens.

    The Guttmacher Report on Public

Policy.

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