National Statistics online has reported that social class status is linked to an individual's level of educational achievement or lack thereof.
The graph illustrates that family and parental circumstances have an impact on the success rates of GCSE students. In 2002, those with parents in higher professional occupations achieved a 77% rate of five or more A* to C grade GCSEs in England and Wales, which was twice as high as those with routine occupation parents (32%). This pattern is also evident among further and higher education students.
Statistics from http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.asp?id=1003 reveal that in 2002, 87% of 16-year-olds whose parents held higher professional occupations were enrolled in full-time education. However, only 60% of those with parents in routine occupations were pursuing the same path. These numbers suggest that individuals from more privileged social class backgrounds have a greater likelihood of attaining academic success.
My study aims to comprehend the
...causes behind differing levels of academic achievement among children with distinct socio-economic backgrounds. In particular, I will investigate why pupils from wealthier households generally surpass those from less privileged ones. For instance, according to National Statistics Online (source: http://www.statistics), in 2004, Black Caribbean students - especially males - exhibited the poorest GCSE scores when ethnicity-based test results were evaluated.
According to statistics from the UK government website (gov.uk/cci/nugget.asp?id=461), the 2001/02 exam results indicate that in terms of gender, girls outperformed boys on both GCSE and GCE A level (or equivalent) exams (http://www.).
Although statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.sp?id=434 presents proof that there are multiple elements causing gaps in academic performance, the attention of this task will concentrate on this specific subject.
Throughout the last century, education in the United Kingdom has undergone significant transformations. The government
assumed responsibility for secondary education in 1918 and made attendance compulsory until age 14. The Education Act of 1944 aimed to provide primary, secondary, further and higher education opportunities for all students to develop their skills. A tripartite system required primary school graduates to take an '11 plus' test to enter secondary education (Taylor et al, 2005, Pg 275). Those with academic success attended grammar schools while technically inclined students went to technical schools. However, those who didn't pass these tests enrolled in secondary modern institutions but couldn't earn formal qualifications until later in the century.
Although the 11+ exam was regarded as a fair method of obtaining an education, it favored only the intelligent and provided unequal opportunities for students in secondary modern schools. Middle-class students had an advantage as their parents could coach them for the exam and pay for private tuition if necessary. Teachers often neglected working-class students who were not expected to pass the exam. Not passing the 11+ caused self-esteem issues, stigma, and division among children. In contrast to grammar schools, secondary modern schools were inferior, run-down, and had fewer job opportunities available for those who did not pass the exam.
(Taylor et al, 2005, Pg 276) During the 1950s and 1960s, concerns were raised that grammar schools favored high-achieving students and disadvantaged those who were not academically strong. This led to the establishment of comprehensive schools in which all children residing in a specific area could attend the same institution regardless of their academic ability. Responding to the recommendations of the Robbins Report in the 1960s, the government built new universities and polytechnics to provide vocational education opportunities to all capable
individuals (Haralambos ; Holborn, 2004, pg 691). In the 1970s, attention shifted towards addressing the issue of underachievement among girls in the education system.
Previously, girls were trained in traditionally feminine subjects, such as cookery and needlework, in anticipation of their role as mothers. However, they now had the opportunity to pursue the same courses as boys, including woodwork and metalwork. Women began to balance work and family responsibilities. During the 1980s, Britain struggled with high levels of youth unemployment and lagged behind in industry. The Ruskin Speech called for the implementation of work-based training programs, such as the YTS scheme, to boost youth employment opportunities through technical colleges.
Margaret Thatcher's Conservative government strongly supported private education and provided funding to public schools for academically gifted students through the implementation of the Assisted Places Scheme. In the late 1990s, reforms were made to achieve fairer education opportunities by introducing SAT tests at ages 7, 11, and 14 and grouping students into "sets" based on their scores. However, this system has led to similar outcomes as the abolished tripartite system from the 1970s where lower-income students are placed in lower sets. Despite overall academic improvement, persistent disparities in educational attainment related to social classes are explored in "The Sociology of Education Today," along with the role of parents in curriculum development.
Previously, it was believed that children from working class backgrounds struggled in school due to their parents' intelligence levels. This was based on the assumption that intelligent families produced smart children. However, Haralambos and Holborn (2004, pg 748) argue that having financial affluence provides an advantage as parents can offer educational resources, private tuition and learning aids for
their children. Heaton and Lawson (1996, pg 69) suggest that material deprivation may hinder a working class child's academic success by limiting access to proper nutrition, adequate living conditions and sufficient space for homework.
According to various studies, including Douglas (1964) and the Plowden Report (1967), cited in Heaton and Lawson (1996, pg 70), there is a suggestion that working class parents provide less encouragement and support for their children's education compared to middle class parents. However, it is unfair to generalize all working class families as such. Tizard et al (1981) argue that it is actually the lack of confidence or knowledge of parents in dealing with schools that hinders a child's progress, rather than a disinterest in their schooling (cited by Heaton and Lawson (1996, pg 70)). In contrast, middle class parents are not intimidated by teachers, as they have been through the educational system and understand how it works, which enables them to navigate it better to achieve the best outcomes for their children.
Teachers may even have personal connections to members of the middle class, aligning with Bernstein's language code theory (1975) as cited by Heaton and Lawson (1996, pg 73). This theory asserts that teaching is a profession associated with the middle class and therefore the language spoken in schools will reflect the language used by parents of middle class students. This can give middle class students an advantage over those from working class backgrounds, due to the fact that schools are middle class institutions and students are evaluated on their ability to understand and adopt this culture. Heaton and Lawson (1996, pg74) also refer to Bourdieu's culture capital theory, which
suggests that the group with influence over economic wealth (i.e. the middle class) can pass their lifestyle, knowledge, demeanour, and preferences (culture) onto their children. Because schools are predominantly composed of middle class individuals, cultural capital is essential for obtaining an education. Some argue that middle class students excel academically due to greater emphasis on education at home and exposure to educational toys from a young age.
According to class handouts from January 2008, middle class fathers are more likely to read at home compared to those from working class backgrounds, which subsequently passes on a culture of reading to their children, notably their sons. This provides positive male role models and better prepares them in the classroom and society as a whole. Another significant factor is geography, where families in more expensive areas have access to middle class schools within their catchment boundaries. Moreover, middle class parents outside these areas have a higher probability of placing their child in preferred schools due to knowing how to appeal or having contacts who understand how to navigate the system. On the contrary, working class children in working class areas often have limited school options unless parents can transport them to another area, which poses challenges for families without cars or flexible work arrangements.
Competition for admission to quality schools can be high, and with associated expenses, working class students may be discouraged from applying to university. It is noted that the subjects taught and teaching methods employed tend to favor middle class students. Additionally, teachers may be at fault for limiting the potential of working class children. They may label and underestimate them based on their socioeconomic status.
Based on research conducted in two separate secondary schools by Gillborne and Youdell (cited in Demaine, J, pg 82), it was observed that teacher's perceptions of 'ability' were reflected in their opinions of specific groups, including working class children.
According to the authors, working class students face a significant obstacle in convincing educators of their abilities due to their social class being a strong indicator of their potential. They note that teachers often imply, albeit not openly, that students from this demographic lack both the skills and effort to succeed. Such students have reportedly expressed grievances over perceived partiality among teachers. The sociology of education is subject to diverse perspectives: Marxists argue that the government hinders working class advancement since the economy relies on labor and factory owners with schools serving to train the working class for the ruling elite's gain.
The contention is that education has become a middle-class sphere, thus making it difficult for working-class pupils to fit in. Functionalists have a counterargument that is society requires individuals who are capable of performing working-class occupations. They also believe that schools act as filters, separating highly skilled students from others. As such, the underperforming students are left behind (Moore, S, 1994, pg 196). In conclusion, social class variations in educational accomplishments cannot be attributed to a single factor. This information highlights several interconnected factors that contribute to this phenomenon.
Although class can play a significant role in a child's education, receiving support and encouragement at home and viewing education as a vital aspect of life can lead to classroom success regardless of their social status. However, if parents see education as insignificant, children may inherit
this attitude as part of their family culture. While higher household income and middle class cultures can greatly benefit a child's progress through the educational system through advantages such as class-specific activities and private tuition, success in childhood education is crucial for individuals to overcome poverty and move up the social ladder. Recent statistics show that social class is no longer the primary factor in different educational outcomes and that ethnicity and gender differences are now equally if not more significant.
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