Types of Families and the Status of Children in Various Family Essay Example

science, contrasting them with heterosexual or traditional arrangements.

Homosexual families and heterosexual families share a similar structure, both of which can consist of only one parent. Both types of families can also be "patchwork" or "blended," meaning that after a divorce, one parent finds a new partner who has children from a previous relationship and they create a new family together (Bos, van Balen ; van den Boom 263). Homosexual couples, like heterosexual couples, can have both planned and non-planned families.

According to Bos, van Balen ; van den Boom, there is a distinction between planned and nonplanned same-sex households with a focus on lesbian individuals. The researchers argued that a planned lesbian family should be differentiated from lesbian families where the mother had children in a previous heterosexual relationship before coming out. This highlights the limitation of simply classifying families based on their partners' gender in understanding the societal role of the concept of "family". It is important to consider each family within the context of a complex social environment.

Discrimination occurs when lesbigay families are treated as "nontraditional" or inferior to heterosexual traditional arrangements. Many children in lesbigay households have a parent who was previously in a heterosexual relationship but later identified as gay or lesbian, subsequently entering a new same-sex partnership and obtaining parental custody. Furthermore, Meezan and Rauch argued that in many cases there is a group of "third class of children" or "additional children". These children living with gay and lesbian couples are often the biological offspring of one member of the couple, either from a previous marriage or relationship, through known or anonymous sperm donors (in the case of lesbian couples), or

through surrogate birth mothers (in the case of male couples). The researchers noted that whether parenthood comes through biological offspring or adoption can impact family relationships. For instance, gay men are more likely than lesbians to adopt children who have no biological relation to either parent. Due to the relatively new experiences of having children through donor insemination and surrogacy, the relationships within lesbigay families can also become more complex.

According to a study conducted by Bos, van Balen, and van den Boom (2005), the Kaiser Family Foundation conducted a survey in 2001 in the United States. The survey randomly selected 405 individuals who identified as lesbians, gays, or bisexuals. It was discovered that 8% of homosexuals were legal guardians or parents to a child under 18 living with them. Additionally, the survey revealed that 49% of lesbians, gays, and bisexuals expressed a desire to have children in the future, even if they were not currently parents at the time of the survey. Lesbigay families are recognized for their nurturing nature towards children and their joy in being parents.

Specific statistics on lesbigay families with children and their methods of becoming parents are not readily available. Previous research conducted by Ariel & Stearns (1992) and Patterson (1995 – Lassiter et al., 2006) estimated that there are approximately 1 to 3 million gay fathers and 1.5 to 5 million lesbian mothers.

In their study, Lassiter et al. (2006) referenced data from Ariel and McPherson's (2000) research, which indicated that there are approximately 2 million to 8 million gay men and lesbians parenting around 8 million to 10 million children. The 2000 United States national census, as reported by Meezan

and Rauch (2005), found that there were about 594,000 households led by same-sex couples, with roughly 27 percent of them raising children. Based on this information, these researchers estimated that lesbigay families were raising approximately 166,000 children. Lambert (2005), citing Falk's research in 1989 and Gottman's in1990, estimated that there are between1 to5 million lesbian mothers and between1 to3 million gay fathers. Lambert also referred to Patterson's work (1995;2000) and proposed a range of4 to14 million for the number of children being raised by gay and lesbian parents. Furthermore, it was reported that there were between5000and10000 children born to mothers in same-sex marriages.

The figures mentioned above are approximate because not all same-sex couples report their status. According to Lambert (2005), accurately determining the number of families led by gay men and lesbians in our society is challenging. This difficulty arises from the fear of discrimination among many gay men and lesbians, leading them to conceal their sexual orientation, sometimes even from their children (43). Similarly, Patterson (2000) acknowledged that members of the lesbigay community often choose to hide their family status from relatives, friends, and the community due to societal stigma associated with nonheterosexual identities (1052).

Despite the obstacles that lesbian and gay individuals encounter, they have managed to establish and sustain significant family connections (Patterson 1052). However, this claim is weakened by cases of legal bias regarding same-sex marriage and parenting. The following section explores the arguments put forth in courts against homosexual unions. Nevertheless, differing perspectives on these claims will set the foundation for further examination of the potential beneficial effects of same-sex parenting on society.

Stacey and Biblarz (2001) argue that the recognition and

granting of rights to same-sex couples and their families is a highly debated topic in Western society. Despite disagreements on available data, it is clear that there are many gay and lesbian parents in the United States. However, these individuals often face legal and societal obstacles when it comes to their parental rights. They may encounter difficulties when trying to adopt children and could potentially lose custody of their children during divorce proceedings with heterosexual partners. Meezan and Rauch (2005) refer to the influential case of Baker and McConnell (1970), where a homosexual couple was denied a marriage license in Minnesota.

Although there is no evidence of wrongdoing in the marriage, the strong opposition from society towards lesbigay families is evident through a negative legal ruling. Meezan and Rauch highlight that Hawaii's state supreme court declined to allow same-sex marriages in the 1990s due to a constitutional amendment. Unfortunately, discrimination against lesbigay families persisted in different regions of the country even into the 21st century.

In the United States, there are specific states with laws and constitutional amendments that restrict homosexual couples from getting married, adopting children, or maintaining custody of children. Thirteen states (Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana,
North Dakota,
Oklahoma,
Ohio,
Oregon,
and Utah) enacted constitutional amendments in 2004 to forbid same-sex marriage. Additionally, there exist stringent legal regulations regarding adoption and custody procedures for same-sex or bisexual couples.

GLBT individuals face discriminatory child care policies in all states except Utah. While unmarried heterosexual people can apply for adoption in all states, homosexual applicants must be officially registered as a married couple in every state. However, most states do not issue marriage certificates to same-sex couples, making it

impossible to meet this requirement. Additionally, legally married same-sex couples may not always receive approval for custody applications. According to Bennett and Gates from the Human Rights Campaign Foundation's report titled "The Cost of Marriage Inequality to Children and Their Same-Sex Parents," two-thirds of children with same-sex parents live in states where their parents are still denied the right to establish a legal relationship with their children through second-parent or joint adoption procedures.

Same-sex couples are deprived of the limited legal protections that heterosexual couples receive in relation to their relationship with their parents. Negative legal decisions concerning same-sex parenthood stem from discriminatory assumptions, resembling outdated prejudice and racism. Some psychologists still consider homosexuality a sin or mental disorder and produce alarming publications about the negative effects of gay parenting. These publications claim that children raised by same-sex couples lack exposure to parenting skills from both genders during their upbringing. Opponents of same-sex parenthood argue that embracing same-sex marriages will lead to indifference towards heterosexual families and further erode the societal norm of childrearing by biological parents, ultimately resulting in an increase in fatherless households.

Some advocates for same-sex alliances attempt to challenge this fear by contending that “the legalization of same-sex marriage will serve as a declaration by the government (and society) that marriage is preferred over alternative family structures, thereby strengthening the status of marriage during a period of societal uncertainty” (Meezan and Rauch 99). The rationale of those opposing the rights of lesbigay parents appears to be flawed. The validity of traditional family values is not directly linked to the recognition of lesbigay marriage rights. Numerous heterosexual families experience instances of domestic violence and

divorce.

According to Patterson (1056), the increase in legally accepted lesbigay households is not expected to lead to a higher number of single-parent households. Despite court stereotypes, an analysis conducted by Patterson found that lesbian mothers' gender role behavior and interest in childrearing were no different from heterosexual mothers. This suggests that children's sex-role orientation and preferences are unlikely to be influenced by their parents' sexual orientation.

According to Patterson, children raised in lesbigay families do not show any developmental deficits due to the homosexuality of their parents. This aligns with recent social research which suggests that "lesbigay parents are just as competent and effective as heterosexual parents" (Stacey and Biblarz 160). Stacey and Biblarz note that policymakers are taking this scientific evidence against discrimination into consideration. Lawyers and activists fighting for child custody, adoption rights, and same-gender marriage rights have successfully utilized this research. While progress may be inconsistent, this approach has contributed to a gradual liberalizing trend in judicial and policy decisions, as seen in the defeat of preemptive referenda such as the Knight Initiative in California during the 2000 ballot.

Attitudes towards adoption and custody for lesbigay families vary across states. In Florida, the most negative position is taken as they ban homosexual couples from adopting children (Meezan and Rauch, 2005). However, other states have intermediary policies. For instance, some allow lesbigays to adopt through "second-parent" adoption, where one partner becomes the second parent of the other partner's child. Moreover, certain states permit homosexual individuals to raise a child as a single custodial parent. These examples illustrate that public and legal perspectives on lesbigay marriage and parenthood are becoming more accepting. As of mid-2004, nine

states along with the District of Columbia displayed the most inclusive approach by granting same-sex couples the right to apply jointly for adoption.

The study by Lassiter et al. interviewed ten individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds who identified as lesbian or gay. The objective was to understand how these individuals perceived family relationships in regards to raising children, with a focus on empowerment - the ability to exert influence over various aspects of one's life. This insight provides hope for homosexual families in other states, ensuring equal treatment in parenting, custody, and adoption matters (Lassiter et al. 246).

The investigators considered the definition of empowerment provided by researchers at Cornell University. According to the researchers, empowerment is an intentional and ongoing process that takes place within a local community. It involves mutual respect, critical reflection, caring, and group participation. The purpose of this process is to help people who lack an equal share of valued resources to gain greater access to and control over those resources. This definition is quoted from Cornell University Empowerment Group 2 and cited by Lassiter et al. (page 246).

Researchers examined both internal and external factors that impact child care in lesbigay families. The term "internal factors" referred to forces that come from within the person, reflecting their personality traits or attributes and being influenced, developed, and controlled by the participant (Lassiter et al. 246). Lassiter et al. discovered that same-sex couples demonstrated positive changes in their attitude towards children and child-rearing through self-acceptance, nontraditional gender roles and norms, increased appreciation of parenting, and resilience.

The first element of the internal factors cluster, self-acceptance, had significant value for homosexual parents. By revealing their sexual

identity to themselves, their extended family, children, and the community, these parents achieved freedom, personal growth, and cooperation. Homosexual parents emphasized the importance of resilience, which was characterized by determination, courage, and a strong sense of spirituality. Accepting their sexual roles and being resilient positively impacted lesbigay parents at a personal level, while acceptance of nontraditional gender norms had a positive effect on children. The study cited two gay parents who acknowledged that in African American culture, being a nurturing man is often viewed as a weakness.

Women are often expected to be nurturing, and men who exhibit nurturing behavior are sometimes labeled as sissies. However, as a self-identified sissy, I had no issue embracing a nurturing role. Likewise, another gay father expressed contentment with his nontraditional parenting role, sharing that he spent a year at home caring for his children.

So I had a strong emotional bond with my two baby daughters. " (248) In conclusion, embracing nontraditional gender norms allows gay and lesbian parents to break free from societal expectations regarding sexuality and become more understanding and nurturing parents. They began to appreciate the importance of being a parent, which led to an increased sense of responsibility towards their children. As one lesbian participant in the study emphasized: It is important to feel a sense of pride and happiness in becoming and being a parent. You know, I'm not just going to engage in sexual intercourse with a man to get pregnant.

Due to the difficulties of conceiving or adopting, it is important to have a sense of pride, confidence, and satisfaction when starting the journey of becoming a parent. Additionally, it is crucial to recognize

the value and positive aspects that you can provide for your child. (Lassiter et al. 248) It can be inferred that having increased self-assurance and a conscious desire to excel in parenting skills will result in advantages for both the children and society as a whole. Being a responsible parent contributes to the stability of society in general and strengthens the importance of parenthood as a social institution, as stated by Lassiter et al.

According to Lassiter et al., same-sex parents strive to create a safe and supportive environment for their children, leading to a decrease in juvenile delinquency rates. The authors define external factors as the influences on parenthood that come from outside oneself. Their study found that social support, integration of co-parenting roles, parental role modeling, and the need for affirmative resources were the main external factors affecting same-sex parents' sense of parenthood. In terms of social support, respondents highlighted the importance of assistance and dedication from their siblings.

The creation of supportive and socially active local communities was influenced by semi-sexual parenthood. Lesbian and gay parents, due to their heightened sense of fairness and sensitivity, actively participate in their children's schools, religious communities, and other social institutions. Consequently, there is a growing "sense of belonging and a continued sense of cultural identity" (Lassiter et al. 249) not only within semi-sex houses but also in the surrounding environment. In terms of integrating co-parenting roles, a significant number of respondents had long-standing stable relationships. As stated by Lassiter et al.

249) According to Lassiter et al. (249), the active parenting role in same-sex households strengthens their ability to effectively parent. Same-sex parents also provide important moral

and social lessons to their children, such as confronting discrimination, dealing with prejudice, and earning respect from both heterosexual and nonheterosexual communities. External factors positively impact the self-esteem, empowerment, and social awareness of children raised by same-sex parents. For example, one lesbian mother emphasized the importance of equipping her son with the words and confidence to feel proud of his family and stand up against bullying. At just 13 years old, he confidently asked someone, "Do you have a problem with my mom being a lesbian?," using a word that many adults struggle to utter.

According to Lassiter et al. (249), the empowerment derived from the role modeling had positive effects on both the present lesbigay household and future families. The theme of belonging, particularly in terms of finding supportive friendships and family, was consistently mentioned. In this study, many parents expressed concern for creating positive perceptions of gay parenting within society to facilitate parenting for future generations. The opportunity to serve as positive role models for these future parents provided participants with a feeling of empowerment amidst societal discrimination.

Lassiter et al. (249) found that semi-sex parenthood improved the effectiveness of local social networks, providing affirmative counseling, medical, and legal resources. Expanding on the concept of homosexual parenthood, Stacey and Biblarz (163) noted that homosexual parents tend to prioritize egalitarian relationships with their children, emphasizing equality, empathy, and cooperation. Similarly, Patterson (1057) observed that homosexual fathers displayed both warmth and responsiveness, as well as control and limits. In summary, despite discrepancies between lesbigay individuals' aspirations and discriminatory realities, their proactive social behavior and role modeling strategies contribute to the development of a social network that fosters

healthier children through the combination of a secure identity, confidence, and empowerment (Lassiter et al.).

Some officials wishing to eliminate the institute of gay and lesbian parenthood focus on the potential harm that is caused to children: gay parents subject children to disproportionate risks; … children of gay parents are more apt to suffer confusion over their gender and sexual identities and are more likely to become homosexuals themselves; … homosexual parents are more sexually promiscuous than are heterosexual parents and are more likely to molest their children; … children are at greater risk of losing a homosexual parent to AIDS, substance abuse, or suicide, and to suffer greater risks of depression and other emotional difficulties; … homosexual couples are more unstable and likely to separate; and … the social stigma and embarrassment of having a homosexual parent unfairly ostracizes children and hinders their relationships with peers. (Stacey and Biblarz 161)

The present essay expresses solidarity with the statement of the American Academy of Pediatrics that stated in 2002: “Children who grow up with one or two gay and/or lesbian parents fare as well in emotional, cognitive, social, and sexual functioning as do children whose parents are heterosexual” (qtd. in Meezan and Rauch 6).

Many researchers argued that children of homosexual parents did not vary from the ones raised in heterosexual houses.

According to research conducted by Patterson, Chan, and Raboy (1998) in 55 lesbian-headed families and 25 families headed by heterosexual parents, Ray and Gregory (2001) reported that there were no significant differences in the psychosocial status of children raised by lesbian mothers and those raised by heterosexual mothers. The main divide between these children seems to be

in relation to them experiencing discrimination, bullying, and feeling silenced. Both homosexual parents and their children reported feeling isolated or different. However, despite the challenges they face from the outside world, children raised in homosexual families have the inner strength to defend themselves against teasing and bullying. They are often successful in using prosocial skills to establish communication with their bullies. For instance, Year 11 and 12 students tend to address underlying issues when faced with insulting language such as "fag" and "poof".

According to Ray and Gregory (32), using a certain word as an insult not only demeans the person you want to offend but also disrespects homosexuals. The researchers collected responses from 117 homosexual parents, including 60% who were currently gay or lesbian parents with children aged five to eighteen, and 40% who were prospective parents. They found that lesbigay parents' children tended to be more aware of issues related to justice, fairness, and human rights. Some children even suggested treating homophobia in the same way as racism and sexism. Additionally, high school students who were raised by gay or lesbian parents showed a greater understanding of the benefits and value of tolerance and diversity. One student commented, "I've grown up with an open mind and I strive to promote openness in the world. I have even educated my friends about homosexuality."

I have been a support for homosexual children. Ray and Gregory's study showed that being raised by homosexual parents did not harm the children. It was actually the environment outside of school that made these children feel isolated and unsafe. Wainright, Russell, and Patterson (2004) conducted a study to compare the psychosocial

adjustment, school outcomes, and romantic relationships of adolescents raised by gay couples to those raised by heterosexual couples. They found that these factors were not strongly linked to the type of family.

According to Wainright, Russell, and Patterson, the key factor in children's self-respect, feeling of safety, and comfort is a good and trusting relationship with parents. Their study found that adolescents with same-sex parents were not significantly different from those with opposite-sex parents on a wide range of school and personal adjustment variables. The participants living in same-sex households reported a greater "connectedness at school" compared to children of heterosexual parents. This sense of connection was associated with less aggression, fewer discipline issues, and more emotional balance. Additionally, adolescents from lesbigay families were more responsive to care from adults and peers, leading to increased cooperation and sensitivity towards others' needs. (Wainright, Russell, and Patterson 1895-1896).

The researchers found that the variable of family type was statistically correlated with a specific characteristic. However, they did not solely attribute measures of adjustment, such as self-esteem and depressive symptoms, to family type. In their report, Wainright, Russell, and Patterson conveyed an anti-discriminatory message, stating that major theories of human development often predicted difficulties for adolescents with same-sex parents in personal, social, and sexual adjustment. However, the results of a large national sample of American adolescents did not support this view. This raises questions about the accuracy of these theories. Recent research on children and adolescents who do not have opposite-sex parents suggests that theorists may need to reconsider the importance of opposite-sex parents for personal and social development. (1897) Some opponents of same-sex parenthood fear that children raised in

homosexual families will struggle with conflicting sexual and cultural identities between their nontraditional homes and traditional outer communities.

Researchers suggest that children of same-sex parents are more likely to develop a same-sex sexual orientation. To challenge this claim, Stacey and Biblarz conducted an overview of existing empirical research on the sexual identities of children raised by gay and lesbian parents. Although their focus is primarily on lesbian parents, their findings are still relevant to the current study. After examining the available evidence, Stacey and Biblarz concluded that daughters and sons of lesbian parents are less likely to be bound by traditional gender expectations (168, 170). This means that these children have more freedom in choosing professions traditionally associated with men, such as astronauts, engineers, doctors, and lawyers.

The aggression and dominance displayed by boys raised in homosexual households is lower compared to those raised in heterosexual households. However, these boys tend to exhibit more traditional occupational strategies than girls from same-sex households. Stacey and Biblarz found moderate evidence of parent-to-child transmission of sexual orientation, but it has not been proven that children raised by same-sex parents will definitely become homosexuals. Overall, this essay examined eight scholarly pieces of research, including two secondary analyses and six empirical studies, to show that same-sex parenthood has a positive impact on society rather than being harmful.

The initial section of the paper provided an overview of different types of families based on the sexual orientation of their members. The findings indicated that households with homosexual members are not considered to be either inferior or superior.