Piaget's theory of child development, which was once considered the primary framework for understanding children's mental development, recognizes that young children have their own distinct set of principles and cognitive processes that are not merely undeveloped versions of those found in adults. However, his theory and findings have faced considerable criticism.
Although Piaget's concepts continue to have a profound impact on psychology and modern education, it is important to critically evaluate his theories. Piaget proposed that cognitive development can be categorized into four distinct stages. This essay will examine and assess each stage individually, considering both the criticisms and support for Piaget's ideas. Each stage has its own unique structure and encompasses a series of developmental progressions. As outlined in Piaget's theory, these structures are composed of "schemas", which serve as frameworks for organizing personal experiences.
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According to Piaget, intelligent behavior relies on schemas as the primary element. Schemas are continuously modified through assimilation and accommodation in order to maintain equilibrium or balance. Assimilation involves integrating new experiences into existing schemas, while accommodation entails modifying existing schemas for new experiences. The initial phase of Piaget's cognitive development theory is called the "sensorimotor stage," which usually occurs during the first two years of life.
During this period, babies engage in practical discovery by interacting with the environment and using their motor skills. They adjust and incorporate information into schemas. According to Piaget, babies are initially unaware of "object permanence," which is the concept that objects continue to exist even when not being directly manipulated or immediately perceived. Piaget conducted an experiment on his daughter Jacqueline to illustrate this lack of objec
permanence.
In her effort to find a rattle under a bed cover, she engaged in an activity related to object permanence. Based on the observations of infants, it is understood that the sensorimotor stage in the first two years of a baby's life is when object permanence is acquired (Piaget 1963). Another significant development in this stage is what Gleitman refers to as "the beginnings of representational thought" (Gleitman 1995). This term encompasses the acquisition of language, pretend play, and deferred imitation, which involves mimicking actions that occurred in the past.
Piaget's "pre-operational stage" takes place from ages 2 to 7. According to Piaget, children in this stage do not possess the capability to grasp conservation, which refers to their inability to understand that the number, quantity, and volume of objects remain unchanged even if their appearance alters. To assess children's comprehension of number conservation, Piaget carried out experiments in which he presented two sets of checkers with equal amounts in each set. He then reorganized one set while maintaining the same number of checkers but altering its visual representation.
According to Piaget (1952), the children in this stage of development believed that the sets were different in quantity due to their inability to conserve previous information. Piaget (1956) also observed that within the pre-operational stage, children display egocentrism, which is their inability to see the world from another's perspective. This was evident in Piaget and Inhelder's (1956) "Three mountains scene" experiment.
In the experiment, a child and a teddy bear were placed on opposite sides of a model with three mountains. The child's task was to choose a picture that
represented the scene from the teddy bear's point of view. According to Piaget, children under seven years old are egocentric because they can't understand or consider perspectives other than their own. Piaget attributed many challenges faced by children in the pre-operational stage to this inability to "de-centre". The next stage in Piaget's theory is the "concrete operations" stage, which typically occurs between ages 7 and 11.
In the concrete operational stage of cognitive development, children demonstrate logical thinking skills such as conservation. However, these skills are limited to actual objects and do not apply to abstract concepts. Additionally, they begin to show decreased egocentrism and develop de-centring abilities. The subsequent stage of cognitive development is referred to as "formal operations," which typically begins around 11 years old. In this phase, children are capable of engaging in scientific thinking and reasoning.
According to psychologist Meadows (1988), Piaget's theories and research on children's cognitive abilities have faced strong opposition. Meadow argues that Piaget failed to acknowledge individual differences in his studies, thus underestimating children's cognitive abilities. Additionally, it has been suggested that Piaget disregarded the impact of emotions and social factors on cognitive development. Furthermore, critics frequently criticize Piaget's methodology for relying too heavily on basic question and answer techniques in his experiments.
Piaget's approach to questioning did not involve personalization or standardization for each individual, nor did he utilize statistical analysis to interpret his findings. As a result, it is difficult to translate and compare the data obtained from various children. Ginsberg (1981) and Dansen argue that Piaget's methods are well-suited for examining a child's cognitive structure. However, there are some who contend
that the instructions provided to children during Piaget's experiments may have been challenging for them to comprehend and susceptible to misinterpretation.
Piaget conducted repeated questioning to children, which some argue may have caused confusion and possibly made the children believe their initial answers were wrong. Rose and Blank (1974) and Samuel and Bryant (1984) replicated Piaget's conservation experiments but with a different approach. They only asked a single question, and both experiments yielded contrasting results compared to Piaget's findings, as the children made minimal mistakes. Piaget initially viewed cognitive development as occurring in distinct stages.
The concept of cognitive development being a linear progression with distinct stages has been extensively debated in contemporary psychology. In 1970, Piaget acknowledged that it is more akin to a "spiral" process with continuous changes. Meadows' research revealed inconsistencies in children's performance within these developmental stages, suggesting that cognitive progress does not always align with Piaget's expected ages. Psychologists now widely recognize that specific cognitive processes may develop at varying rates, indicating overlapping and more continuous stages rather than separate ones.
Piaget claimed that it is not possible to accelerate cognitive development through different stages. However, Meadows argued that training can lead to improvements in performance, which can be significant and enduring. For instance, young children have been taught to perform concrete operations earlier than expected, and their proficiency in these tasks was equal to eight-year-olds who had not received any training.
However, other experiments aiming to speed up the learning process have yielded more uncertain outcomes, using similar age boundaries to describe periods of cognitive development as those explained in Piaget’s stage theory. Despite
the many criticisms of Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, he was indeed the pioneering psychologist who initially explored how children perceive the world, provoking a significant amount of subsequent research in this field. In this regard, he has greatly contributed to our comprehension and recognition of this intricate subject area.
Despite criticisms regarding Piaget's viewpoint on childhood abilities and the timing of cognitive development, his theory is widely embraced in contemporary education. It is recognized that these transformations do indeed happen, emphasizing the lasting significance of Piaget's research.
The formation of attachments in children is explored by Bowlby and Ainsworth, with research evidence cited in their studies.
Attachment theory, a psychological, evolutionary, and ethological theory, centers on human relationships. It highlights the importance of establishing a bond with at least one primary caregiver for normal social and emotional development in young children. Psychiatrist and psychoanalyst John Bowlby developed this theory. In attachment theory, infants exhibit a key behavior of seeking closeness to an attachment figure, usually their caregiver, during stressful situations.
From six months to two years of age, infants develop a strong bond with adults who engage in responsive and sensitive social interactions. Consistency is crucial for caregivers during this period. As children grow, they begin to depend on familiar individuals as a secure base for exploration and eventual return. The way parents address their children's needs has a significant impact on the formation of attachment patterns. These patterns create internal working models that influence emotions, thoughts, and expectations in future relationships.
The normal and adaptive response for an attached infant after losing an attachment figure is known as
separation anxiety or grief. These behaviors help increase the child's chances of survival and have been studied by developmental psychologist Mary Ainsworth in the 1960s and 70s. Ainsworth introduced the concept of the "secure base" and developed a theory regarding attachment patterns in infants, including secure attachment, avoidant attachment, anxious attachment, and later disorganized attachment.
In the 1980s, the theory of attachment was expanded to include attachment in adults. Other interactions that could be considered as having elements of attachment behavior include peer relationships at any age, romantic and sexual attraction, and responses to the needs of infants or the ill and elderly. Bowlby explored various fields, such as evolutionary biology, object relations theory (a branch of psychoanalysis), control systems theory, ethology, and cognitive psychology, in order to develop a comprehensive understanding of the nature of early attachments.
After releasing initial papers in 1958, Bowlby later presented the complete theory in Attachment and Loss trilogy (1969–82). Initially, Bowlby faced criticism from academic psychologists and was even ostracized by the psychoanalytic community for deviating from psychoanalytical beliefs. Nevertheless, attachment theory has now become the leading approach in comprehending early social development, prompting a significant increase in empirical research on children's close relationships.
Later criticisms of attachment theory pertain to temperament, the intricacy of social relationships, and the restrictions of distinct patterns for classifications. Although attachment theory has been substantially adjusted due to empirical research, its concepts have generally been embraced. These concepts have influenced the development of new therapies and informed existing ones, as well as shaped social and childcare policies aimed at enhancing children's early attachment relationships. The attachment behavioral system serves
the purpose of retaining or attaining closer proximity to the attachment figure.
Pre-attachment behaviors take place in the first six months of life. In the first phase (the first eight weeks), infants use smiling, babbling, and crying to get the attention of their caregivers. At this age, infants learn to distinguish between caregivers, but these behaviors are aimed at anyone nearby. In the second phase (two to six months), infants start to differentiate between familiar and unfamiliar adults and become more responsive to their caregiver. They also start following and clinging as additional behaviors.
During the third phase of development, which occurs between six months and two years of age, clear-cut attachment develops. At this stage, the infant's behavior towards the caregiver becomes organized with the goal of creating a sense of security. By the end of the first year, the infant is capable of displaying various attachment behaviors to maintain closeness. These behaviors include protesting when the caregiver leaves, welcoming the caregiver upon their return, clinging when scared, and following whenever possible.
As the infant becomes more mobile, they become dependent on their caregiver or caregivers as a secure base for exploration. The presence of the caregiver allows the infant to freely explore because their attachment system feels secure. However, if the caregiver is not present or unresponsive, attachment behavior becomes more apparent. Situations such as anxiety, fear, illness, and fatigue can cause children to display increased attachment behaviors. By the time the child reaches two years old, they start seeing their caregiver as an independent individual, which leads to the formation of a more intricate and purposeful partnership.
The
behavior of children is affected by the goals and emotions of other people. For example, babies cry when they are in pain, while two-year-olds cry to get the attention of their caregiver. If this strategy fails, they may increase their crying by getting louder, shouting, or following. Bowlby was influenced by Piaget's understanding of children's cognitive capabilities. In contrast, contemporary attachment researchers look at current research on implicit knowledge, theory of mind, autobiographical memory, and social representation.
Peter Fonagy and Mary Target, psychoanalyst and psychologists, have made an effort to bridge the gap between attachment theory and psychoanalysis using cognitive science in the form of mentalization. Mentalization, also known as theory of mind, is the ability of individuals to accurately infer the thoughts, emotions, and intentions behind even subtle behaviors like facial expressions. By linking theory of mind and the internal working model, this connection may facilitate further research and potentially modify attachment theory.
The role of both nature and nurture in a child’s development is explained.
The debate on nature versus nurture in psychology explores how genetics and the environment affect human development. This controversial topic recognizes the importance of both genetic makeup and nurturing surroundings in an individual's growth. Dating back to Ancient Greece, this ongoing discussion has been influenced by renowned philosophers like Aristotle and John Locke, who have expressed their unique viewpoints.
Both the nature and environment have an influence on the development of an individual. Nature, which encompasses appearance and certain personality traits, affects a person's growth. However, the environment in which someone grows up plays a pivotal role in explaining their development by shaping them
as individuals through various settings and situations they encounter. Psychologists generally lean towards the nature debate due to its focus on genetic makeup and biological psychology, which are proven facts. One significant aspect of nature is the genetic determination of physical attributes such as eye color and blood type. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that there are methods available to modify one's appearance.
Recent research indicates that genetics have an influence on personality traits, as biological siblings share more similarities compared to adoptive siblings. Moreover, an individual's genetic composition can affect their vulnerability to specific diseases such as diabetes and Alzheimer's disease (Davies). These illnesses in one's life emphasize the direct impact of genetics on overall development. The field of developmental genetics investigates how genes shape a person's growth throughout their lifespan and is a newly developed approach.
According to Huang, about half of an individual's intelligence is influenced by their genetics. While genetic factors impact personality and physical appearance, the environment has a greater overall influence. Different backgrounds, religions, and environments significantly shape individuals' development.
Several environmental factors like diet, stress, prenatal nutrition, peer pressure, and television can impact an individual. These aspects contribute to the nurture debate, supporting the belief that a person's upbringing influences their development. According to NBC, a study revealed that playing violent video games enhances emotions related to fear and aggression in the amygdala (Kalning).
The influence of video games on teenagers supports the nurture debate by impacting their behavior and personality. Regardless of genetic factors, parents and adults play a crucial role in a child's development. Studies show that parents who have conversations
and spend quality time with their children contribute to their social and intellectual growth (Dewar).
The impact of the environment and early development is significant in shaping individuals' later stages of life, regardless of their parents' intelligence. This is evident in preschoolers who, when observing their peers eating a disliked food, will also consume it. It demonstrates humans' innate desire to conform and be accepted, highlighting the influential role of nurture (Harris).
The nurturing process is vital in shaping an individual's development, as different factors can impact growth regardless of genetics. The ongoing debate on nature versus nurture may never have a definitive answer due to the involvement of various circumstances and conditions that support both sides of the argument.
The discussion about the dominant influence on an individual's development, whether from nature or nurture, is intricate as it involves both biological traits and environmental factors. Nonetheless, proponents of the nurture perspective contend that upbringing plays a more substantial role in shaping personal growth. This is because the environment encompasses a wider array of influences compared to the biological aspects debated in the nature argument.
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