An Explanation of Child development, Based on Genetic Essay Example

2001, Baron & Richardson 1994, Berkowitz 1993, Geen 2001). Additionally, Coin and Dodge (1999) state that aggressive behavior is a universal trait of the human species and a common attribute of antisocial behavior (M. Knapp, S. Scott, J. Davies, 1999). Therefore, the definitions of aggressive and antisocial behavior differ and are culturally influenced, as acknowledged by Walters and Parke (1964, cited in Coie and Dodge, 1999, p. 782).

Preschoolers exhibit the highest frequency of aggressive acts, which decreases as they grow older. Aggressive behavior is most prevalent during late adolescence and early adulthood. Family and twin studies have identified genetic factors such as a difficult temperament, aggressive relatives, neuropsychological deficits like attention deficit disorder, and low IQ. Social learning theorists and Dodge's information-processing hypothesis suggest that aggressive behaviors are learned through social interactions. The outcome of early aggressive behavior appears to depend on the quality of the parent-child relationship and interaction within contextual stressors.

According to Lemma (1998), development is the outcome of continuous interaction between individuals and their environment. Lemma also suggests that individuals are shaped by the environment they create together with others, implying that the environment can significantly influence an individual's development. Because parents generally have more understanding of societal norms than their children, their actions may unintentionally promote their child's aggression. Additionally, a study conducted by Cleveland & Harrington et. al. (2000) provided evidence for the notion that family structures can impact children's behavioral issues.

The study utilized behavioural genetic techniques to investigate four categories: 1) full siblings with both parents, 2) half siblings with both parents, 3) full siblings with only a mother, and 4) half siblings with only a mother. The results

demonstrated that genetic factors accounted for 81-94% of behavioural problems in children from two-parent households and full siblings as well as those from single-mother households and half siblings. Conversely, shared environmental influences elucidated 67-88% of behavioural issues among the groups of two-parent, full siblings and single-mother, full siblings.

Parents sometimes express both their disapproval of their child's behavior and their limited understanding of its possible causes. As a result, they may not be aware of the influence that social interaction can have on their child or how certain patterns of behavior can be inherited through cultural norms and values and shape human behavior (Kamiloff-Smith, 1997; Oatley-Jenkins, 1996). The behavioristic theory suggests that aggression is a learned behavior that can be molded.

For instance, a father might instruct his son to physically confront the bully at school who is causing him harm. Consequently, the young boy develops a tendency to employ violence as a means to handle specific circumstances. In a given societal setting, individuals acquire particular customs and traditions through their upbringing. Moreover, Mark Bornstein (1999) posits that the disparity between collectivist and individualist cultures largely stems from the interactions between mothers and their children, as research indicates that in individualist cultures, individuals often maintain an emotional detachment from their family members and loved ones in general.

According to Butcher (1997), the mother plays a key role in a child's development by promoting socialization and guiding behavior through the use of sanctions and rewards. This helps prevent the child from developing misunderstandings about values and social norms. However, not everyone conforms to societal expectations, and there are individual differences both within a person's lifespan and within the same

family.

Harris (2002) endorses the group socialization theory, which is a specific learning theory of child development. This theory highlights the influence of nature over nurture by examining behavioural genetics. The theory proposes that children acquire different sets of behaviors for their home and outside environments. They develop the latter by identifying with a group that possesses similarities to them and embracing the norms followed by that group.

Moreover, different social groups such as communities, educational institutions, media outlets, and caregivers can influence the behavioral development of children. Consequently, the effect of media on children's behavior is a crucial aspect that has been extensively researched. Many studies have validated the importance of television exposure in relation to the emergence of aggressive behavior among children. At Pennsylvania State University, researchers conducted a study in which they observed preschool children before and after watching television.

Studies on television violence indicate that children who view violent programs, including humorous cartoons, are more inclined to exhibit aggressive actions like physical aggression towards peers, disagreements, and defiance of rules (Internet, 'violence on television'). Empirical investigations have also discovered a correlation between extensive childhood television viewing, particularly at the age of eight, and an increased likelihood of engaging in criminal activities later in life (Eron). The developmental behavioristic approach elucidates how behaviors can be shaped through social influence by illustrating that development is a gradual and continuous process wherein infants respond to stimuli from their environment (Slater and Muir, 1999).

According to their perspective, the child's behavior can be explained as a response to or imitation of environmental stimuli. This means that sometimes adults may reinforce a child's undesirable behavior by acting unfavorably themselves. However,

studies on twins and adoption have also examined potential genetic factors in criminal and anti-social behavior. Unfortunately, most modern researchers agree that family studies cannot distinguish between genetic and environmental influences. It has been argued that twin studies face the same challenge in disentangling these influences (Journal of Mind and Behaviour, 2001, Vol. 22(2): 179-218).

Hence, the previous perspective on the genetic analysis of aggression allows for a more comprehensive understanding of aggression and anti-social behavior from the perspective of social learning theorists. According to Bandura (1963), through the process of observational learning, children who witnessed an adult striking a large inflated BoBo doll with a mallet displayed more aggressive behavior towards the doll compared to children who did not observe the scenario.

A second study conducted by Bandura (1965) examined the impact that rewards and sanctions would have on children who were observing a similar scenario. Bandura found that sanctions acted as a deterrent to imitating aggressive behavior. This finding suggested that sanctions are a more influential motivating factor than rewards. However, it should be noted that exposure to aggressive behavior in adults does not always lead to children exhibiting aggressive behavior. Lemma (1998) reported that observing aggressive behavior in adults can sometimes instill fear and result in the suppression of emotions rather than their expression.

It is doubtful whether children's aggressive behavior is simply a result of imitating adults. Pavlov's classical conditioning theory offers a potential solution to this question. For instance, if a child repeatedly receives attention from their mother whenever they act aggressively, being aggressive could become a means for the child to gain their mother's attention and concern. Additionally, the social interaction theory

explains that aggressive actions can be driven by "higher goals."

In summary, the child's aggression may have a purpose, such as punishing the provocateur to prevent future provocations. This aligns with the theory that aggression is often caused by threats to high self-esteem individuals. However, different theoretical perspectives lead to varying interpretations of aggressive behavior in children.

A study conducted in 1998 by Simonoff et. al. discovered that oppositional and conduct disorders involve a range of disruptive behaviors linked to various risk factors and outcomes. The research utilized data from the Virginia Twin Study of Adolescent Behavioral Development, comprising 4348 male twin pairs aged 16 years, including 268 monozygotic pairs and 166 dizygotic pairs. The study aimed to assess the impact of genetic and environmental factors on four subtypes of disruptive behavior: Property violations (PVs), status violations, oppositional behavior (OB), and aggression.

The Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology (1998) released a study that demonstrated notable variances in evaluations made by mothers and children. This emphasizes the significance of examining the source of these disparities. The assessments given by children indicated a broad genetic influence on PVs, OB, and Aggression, lending support to the notion of a genetic predisposition. Conversely, maternal assessments suggested that genetic factors influencing conduct disorder behavior were more confined to specific behavioral domains, with a greater genetic effect on PVs and Aggression. Consequently, according to this research, genetics can be partially attributed to aggression.

According to geneticists like Robert Plomin (1997), the Nativist theory suggests that temperament, intelligence, and mental illness can be inherited. Plomin (1999) and Scarr (1997) argue that genes play a role in determining a child’s interests and cognitive abilities, implying that children

will learn to the extent of their capabilities. This is evident when some children learn more than others, despite being exposed to the same environment or coming from different social backgrounds.
Additionally, a study by Kagan (1973) supports the idea that children should be recognized as independent beings. Their subjective reality is driven by an innate cognitive ability and influenced by the environment. Kagan compared the cognitive abilities of American children with those of Guatemalan children to argue that "the mind, like the nucleus of a cell, has a plan for growth and can transform new experiences into something understandable, whether it's an unexpected smile or a strange pain."

According to Kagan (1973, p. 12), the child's curiosity, rather than aggression, drives their exploration of unfamiliar things and attempts to align ideas and actions with previous knowledge. Kagan emphasizes that blaming the child for behaviors that go against societal norms is unwarranted since these behaviors can be viewed as a natural expression of innate drives.

Unintentionally, adults can foster aggression by reacting to it, as humans possess a natural capacity to comprehend and decipher their surroundings. The decline in aggressive and antisocial conduct over time is linked to the growth of language abilities. Cantwell, Baker, and Mattison (1979) presented proof for this notion by showing that difficulties in communication can hinder a child's proficiency in effectively expressing their requirements. Consequently, this could result in emotional outbursts and problems with behavior.

According to Cairns (1979), the acquisition of language leads to a decrease in physical aggression and an increase in verbal expression. This shift usually happens between the ages of two and four. Fodor (1985) argues that children have

an inherent inclination to learn complex grammatical structures because of innate language acquisition. Additionally, Fodor suggests that humans have a natural predisposition to develop "innately specified modules" (mental organs) for various abilities such as language acquisition, facial processing, numerical understanding, spatial awareness, social interaction, and theory of mind. Kramiloff-Smith's research mentioned in Muir (1999) provides support for this idea.

From this assumption, the child's behavior can be mainly attributed to intrinsic motivations, rather than mimicking external influences. In contrast, Shatz (1985) argued that since children typically learn the specific language they are exposed to, environmental factors must be responsible for potential cognitive issues in childhood. However, parents can only identify a behavioral problem in their children's expression around the age of three (Jenkins, Bax, and Hark, 1980), which is when the child begins to develop verbal abilities.

Development is divided into three phases, according to Kramilloff-Smith (1996). The first phase highlights external cues, while the second phase centers on system dynamics. In the third phase, internal and external representations are reconciled. Hence, aggression in children can be influenced by both internal and external factors. Additionally, Coie and Dodge (1999) emphasize that the decrease in overall aggression cannot be solely attributed to language.

According to Mischel (1979, cited in ibid.), language enables children to express verbal threats and insults, as well as other factors. Mischel also agrees with Kamiloff-Smith and Kagan that children can learn cognitive strategies through interpersonal interactions with various individuals, including parents, family members, peers, and school environments. These strategies assist children in expressing their emotions appropriately and gaining independence in fulfilling their needs.

This ultimately allows for the prevention of antisocial behaviors by reinforcing acceptable behaviors.

According to Berkowitz (1989, 1990, 1993), aversive events like frustrations, loud noises, uncomfortable temperatures, and unpleasant odors result in negative emotions. These negative emotions then trigger thoughts, memories, expressive motor reactions, and physiological responses related to both fighting and fleeing.

The research conducted by Anderson and Bushman (53 (1): 27) shows that fight associations result in basic feelings of anger, while flight associations lead to basic feelings of fear. According to Tedeschi & Felson (1994, cited in Coie and Dodge, 1999), aggressive behavior has various adaptive characteristics and has evolved to encompass a wide-ranging social communication system. This system includes different forms, triggers, and purposes as stated by Coie and Dodge.

In order to understand the broader implications of aggression and its adaptive and maladaptive functions, it is important to consider its characteristics in relation to other forms of antisocial behavior (Coie and Dodge). Due to the gradual nature of development, which is influenced by interactions with the environment, a behavioral genetic perspective becomes necessary for explaining child development.

Pre-schoolers are often seen as the most aggressive individuals, but this may be due to various factors such as unmet needs, boredom, testing impulses, or the pressures of Western society's socio-economic demands that strain familial fulfillment rather than being inherent to pre-schoolers. As children develop cognitive abilities and become more independent, aggressive outbursts tend to decrease until adolescence. It might be unrealistic to expect children to conform to societal norms without any objection.

One can comprehend how this objection underscores the significance of individuality. Moreover, children lack equivalent cognitive abilities, language skills, and rational thinking to adults, hence emotional expression serves as a means of communication. However, aggressive communication can

be detrimental, particularly in adolescence and early adulthood. To attain desired objectives, proper guidance must be provided.