The Salafi Movement In Global Theology Religion

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Salafi movement ( al-Salafiyyah ) is a modern-day Islamic planetary motion, which is concerned with a hunt for the pure instructions of Islam as prescribed in the Quran and the Prophet Muhammad ‘s tradition ( Sunnah ) by rejecting any external influences and human engagement in the reading of spiritual texts. The advocates of Salafism define themselves to be the heirs of the pre-modern Ahl al-Hadits ( people of the Prophet tradition ) . In their position, this school of idea was the lone group that remained faithful to the pure instructions of Islam as prescribed in the Quran and the Sunnah so that it was considered the saved religious order. They base their claim on a Hadith ( the Prophet Muhammad expressions ) that the Prophet Muhammad was reported to hold said that there would ever be a group of his people who remained committed to the truth, whom the Salafis identify as the Ahl al-Hadith ( Duderija, 2011 ) . By claiming to be the heirs of the Ahl al-Hadith and followings of its footfalls, the advocates of modern-day Salafi motion effort to asseverate that they have privilege and take pride to be the defenders of the pure Islam in modern period.

The advocates of modern-day Salafism identify themselves, and are proud to be, as “ salafi ” ( plural: salafiyyin ) , the followings of al-salaf al-shalih ( the righteous ascendants ) . For them, the term “ salaf ” refers to the first three Muslim coevalss in the early Islam, who were considered as the best Muslim coevalss as they were straight guided by the Prophet Muhammad and his Companions. This self-ascription is based on their belief that their apprehension and practising Islam is in complete conformity with the footfalls and methodological analysis of the salaf ( manhaj al-salaf ) . ‘Abdullah ibn Baz, one of the chief Salafi governments, said that Salafi political orientation is “ derived from the Qur’an, Sunnah and Consensus ( ijma` ) which govern the method of geting din [ faith ] and understanding the Qur’an and Sunnah harmonizing to the rules agreed upon by the righteous predecessors ( salaf ) ” ( Cited in Duderija, 2011:54 ) . Due to this strong accent on the Salaf as the lone theoretical account of understanding and practising Islam, Salafism can be said as a motion of “ return to the sire ” ( Marshallsay, 2004 ) .

Major Governments of the Contemporary Salafi Movement

Within modern-day Salafi motion, the most influential advocates are the Middle Eastern Muslim scholars with Saudi nationality or Saudi-educated, university educated, many gained PhDs in Islamic scientific disciplines from Saudi universities. These include Nashir al-Din al-Albani ( d.1999 ) , ‘Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz ( d. 1999 ) , Muhammad ibn Shalih al-Uthaymin ( d. 2001 ) , Muqbil ibn Hadi al-Wadi’i ( d. 2001 ) , Rabi ‘ ibn Hadi al-Madkhali ( B. 1931 ) , Yahya al-Hajuri, and Shalih al-Fawzan. The laterality of Saudi Arabian or Saudi-educated spiritual bookmans ( ulema ) asserts the centrality of Saudi Arabia as the birth of modern Salafism. As the chief representative of the Salafi motion, these ulama become major mentions that Salafi leaders and ordinary followings in the Muslim universe bend to for counsel and advice in their lives.

Outside the Middle East, taking personalities of Salafism in Western states such as Jamal Zarabozo and Bilal Philips ( Duderija, 2011 ) largely become the mouthpiece of these Middle East governments, interpreting their Salafi messages for the Western Salafi followings. The same is true for the leaders of the Salafi motion in Indonesia. Most of them went to Saudi and Yemen universities or Islamic spiritual acquisition establishments ( ma’had ) to analyze Islamic cognition. These include Abu Nida, Ahmad Faiz, Yusuf Baisa, Jafar Umar Thalib, Ayip Syafrudin, Luqman Baabduh and Muhammad Umar Sewed ( Hasan, 2007 ; 2009 ) . Compared to their locally trained Salafi advocates, these Middle East graduates normally bask more authorization and acknowledgment from their followings due to their highly-esteemed acquisition in Mecca or Medinah, two holy metropoliss of Islam. Yet, all of these Salafi advocates make the Saudi and Yemeni Salafi governments as major, and to some extent, the lone mentions in acquisition and prophesying Salafi thoughts among Indonesian Muslims.

The Middle East Salafi governments write treatises on Salafi thoughts entirely in Arabic. But, this is non a major barrier for Salafi followings from non-Arabic talking states to understand the messages of these Salafi ulema. The Salafi followings and sympathisers have attempted to interpret the plants of these Salafi ulema into local linguistic communications. For this intent, in Western states, they have established publication houses, including Tarbiyyah Publications in Toronto, Invitation to Islam and Al-Khilafat Publications in London, and Salafi Publications and Maktabah Darussalam in Birmingham. Mobilizing the information and communicating engineerings, they have created web sites such as,, hypertext transfer protocol: //,, and Individual Salafi governments web sites have been besides established by the Salafi protagonists, such as ( on the plants of ‘Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz ) , ( on the plants of Rabi ibn Hadi al-Madkhali ) , and ( on the plants of Muhammad ibn al-Uthaymin ) ( Duderija, 2011 ) .

The Puzzle of the Origin and Meaning of Salafism

For decennaries, there has been strong belief among Western and Western-educated bookmans that history of Salafism is a history of Islamic modernism ; that Salafi thoughts are regarded as similar to those of Islamic modernist motion ; and the Salafis are representatives of Muslim modernist. It is believed that Salafism dates back to the 19th Islamic modernism, which was associated with Jamal al-Din al-Afghani ( d. 1897 ) , Muhammad ‘Abduh ( d. 1905 ) , and Rashid Ridha ( d. 1935 ) , whose rules and thoughts include rejection of taqlid ( blind following ) , publicity of ijtihad ( independent reading ) , and support of advancement and reason in its responses to the diminution of the Muslim universe. As Lauziere ( 2010 ) identifies, this construct can be seen in the “ standard ” academic plants of Islamic thought such as Brill ‘s Encyclopedia of Islam, Malcolm Kerr ‘s Islamic Reform ( 1966 ) , M. A. Zaki Badawi ‘s The Reformers of Egypt ( 1978 ) , and Daniel Brown ‘s Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic Thought ( 1996 ) . Some recent surveies by bookmans of modern-day Islam, such as Ali Hassan Zaidi ( 2006 ) and Dumber and Tayob ( 2011 ) , besides connect Salafi orientations with Muslim reformers in the late 19th and early twentieth centuries.

However, this construct is debatable in some respects. First, there is no converting grounds to the claim of the connexion among Salafism, al-Afghani, and ‘Abduh. Harmonizing to Lauziere ( 2010 ) , there are no primary beginnings including al-‘Urwat al-Wuthqa, a flagship diary of al-Afghani and ‘Abduh, that well prove the claim that al-Afghani and ‘Abduh coined the term Salafism and used it to place themselves and their reform motion in the nineteenth century. It is true that Abduh mentioned the term al-Salafiyyin ( the Salafis ) in Al-Manar ( Al-Manar 5, 1902 cited in Lauziere 2010 ) to denominate Sunni Muslims who were against Ash’ariyyah, a tenth century school of bad Islamic divinity,[ I ]in footings of theological issues based on their rigorous attachment to the credo of the sires ( Lauziere, 2010 ) . But, ‘Abduh clearly did non claim to be a Salafi nor identified his followings as Salafis. He merely referred al-Salafiyyin in the context of theological arguments as Sunni Muslims who differed from Ash’arites based on their rigorous attachment to ‘aqidat al-salaf ( the credo of the sire ) ( Lauziere, 2010 ) .

Furthermore, Rasyid Ridha, one of Muhammad ‘Abduh ‘s chief adherents, recognized the cardinal differences between Salafism and Islamic modernist school, which his wise man promoted. Harmonizing to Ridha, following the Salafi credo did non needfully do one committed to Islamic modernist school. During his clip, Ridha identified Salafism as Wahhabism to which he called al-Wahhabiyyah al-Salafiyyah. Later, in 1928 he and some of his adherents declared their transition to going Salafis non merely with regard to Islamic divinity but besides in fiqh or Muslim law ( Lauziere, 2010 ) .

Second, the unconfirmed claim of ideological connexion between modern-day Salafism and the early twentieth century Islamic modernism can be seen in the issue of how each defines the term Salaf. While the two motions shared the thought of the importance of the pious ascendants, they differ in the issue of to what extent the Salaf is defined and how it should be modelled. The advocates of Islamic modernism conceived that the term Salaf includes virtually the Muslim bookmans of all schools of idea in the mediaeval period whose success and accomplishments should be contextually propagated and imitated within modern Muslim contexts. The early twentieth century Salafism understood the Salaf as Muslim bookmans in spiritual scientific discipline every bit good as in ‘secular ‘ scientific discipline of the aureate age of Islam in the mediaeval period that should be contextually followed.

In contrast, the advocates of modern-day Salafism restrict the Salaf to the first three coevalss in the early Islam, viz. the comrades of the Prophet Muhammad ( al-shahabat ) , those after them ( al-tabi’in ) and the following coevals after them ( atba`u al-tabi’in ) . They besides include spiritual bookmans ( ‘ulama` ) in the first and 2nd centuries of Islam who were considered to adhere to the manner of these first three Muslim coevalss, peculiarly Ahmad bin Hanbal and the followings of his textual school. These Salaf coevalss and Salafi ‘ulama` were considered justly guided sires and, therefore, function theoretical accounts to whom Muslims are obliged to follow their ways in any fortunes. In add-on, when the advocates of modern-day Salafism speak about the Salaf, they use it in its narrow spiritual sense. Practically, they exclude, show intuition and ill will towards societal, cultural and scientific heritage of the Muslim sires. In their position, the perfect method of patterning the Salaf in the modern-day Muslim societies is continuing and copying their footfalls without contextualizing them in the present contexts.

Third, the issue of the unconfirmed ideological connexion between Salafism and the late nineteenth century Islamic modernism can be discerned in differences between them with regard to methodological analysis and aims. In response to the diminution of the Islamic universe, the Islamic modernism of al-Aghani and ‘Abduh was committed to islah ( reform ) in Muslim society through publicity of i’tidal ( moderateness and balance ) by which Muslims were expected to carry on conciliation between Islam and Western civilisation. It encouraged the grasp and acceptance of societal, political and scientific accomplishments of Western civilisation and at the same rooted steadfastly in Islamic rules and civilisation. In other words, al-Afghani and ‘Abduh ‘s Islamic modernism was a moderate attack to Islam and Western civilisation in that it was able to equilibrate between disclosure and ground, and between rigorous Islamic conservativism and blind followers of the West ( Lauziere, 2010 ) .

Contemporary Salafism, in contrast, aims to resuscitate the aureate age of Islam by adhering purely to the ways of the first three Muslim coevalss in the early Islam understood and practiced Islam to protect its pureness from out spiritual invention. From this position, the devising of the Salaf as a perfect theoretical account requires rigorous using the Salaf method in societal and cultural vacuity, without contextualizing their thoughts and patterns within present contexts of the Muslim universe. Subsequently, this motion respects revealed texts as the lone primary beginnings so that its advocates be given to be anti-rationalistic attack to disclosure. The advocates of modern-day Salafi movement are besides leery of anything non textually written in the Bible, taught or done by the Prophet Muhammad, his comrades and spiritual bookmans adhered to their ways. Conservatism, or even extremist conservativism, is extremely represented in modern-day Salafi motion.

As a consequence, there is no equal grounds to claim ideological connexion between the late 19th and early twentieth century ‘s Islamic modernism and the modern-day Salafi motion. There is no support that Al-Afghani and ‘Abduh proclaimed they were Salafis or advocates of the Salafi motion or their thoughts were in conformity with modern-day Salafism. The modernist construct of “ Salafism ” well differs from the modern-day Salafism ‘s apprehension of the same term. Within modern-day Salafi motion, Salafism is conceived foremost and first as label by Sunni purist-literalist-traditionalists to denominate their peculiar attack to Islam.

Conceptual History of Salafism

Undoubtedly, the uncertainness of the beginning and significance of Salafism within modern scholarship has caused the substance of Salafism remain perplexing. Fortunately, a recent survey by Henri Lauziere ( 2010 ) is helpful in work outing this mystifier and deriving comparative certainty in the issues of the beginning and significance of Salafism. He argues that the mystifier of the significance and beginnings of Salafism is attributable to the “ defective scholarship ” and the fact that there is small scholarly attending to the scrutiny of the history of cognition production of Salafism ( Lauziere, 2010:369 ) .

The First Use of the Term “ Salafism ”

Historically talking, Salafism as a spiritual orientation is non strictly a modern phenomenon. Rather, it rooted in the Islamic scholarship in pre-modern history of Islam. The early usage of the term Salafism ( Salafiyyah ) as an attack to spiritual texts is found in a figure of spiritual bookmans ‘ plants in the mediaeval period. For illustration, Ibn Taymiyya ( d. 1238 ) writes in his al-Fatawa al-Kubra:

As for the Salafiyya it is as [ Hamd ibn Muhammad ] al-Khattabi and Abu Bakr al-Khatib [ al-Bagdadi ] and other have stated: The manner of the Salaf is to construe literally the Qur’an poetries and Hadiths that relate to the Divine attributes ( ijra ‘ ayat al-sifat Washington ahadits al-sifat ‘ala zahiriha ) , and without bespeaking mode and without imputing to Him anthropomorphous qualities. So that one is non to province that the significance of “ manus ” is power or that of “ hearing ” is cognition ( Cited in Haykel, 2009:38 ) .

However, as Haykel ( 2009 ) and Dumbe & A ; Tayob ( 2011 ) suggest, the historical case in point of the Salafi orientations even dates back earlier to the ninth century theological and juridical arguments between the Ahl al-Ra’y ( people of sentiment ) , which was associated with the Mu’tazilah,[ two ]and Ahl al-Hadith ( people of the Prophet Muhammad ‘s tradition ) , which was related to Ahmad ibn Hanbal ( d. 855 ) , the galvanizer of the Hanbali school of jurisprudence ( Hanbaliyyah ) .[ three ]Particularly, the early usage of the term Salaf and its derived functions in this period can be traced back to the Ahl Al Hadits. It is reported that Ibn Hanbal said:

It has been transmitted from more than one of our ascendants ( salafina ) that they said ‘the Qur’an is the address of God and is uncreated ‘ , and this is what I endorse. I do non prosecute in bad divinity and I hold that there is nil to be said other than what is in God ‘s Book ( Qur’an ) , the traditions of His courier or those of his comrades and their followers- may God hold mercy on them. It is non applaudable to prosecute in theological treatment in affairs non contained therein ( Cited in Haykel, 2009:38 ) .

These statements non merely mention to the early usage of the footings Salaf and Salafism within Islamic scholarship, but besides points out the manner of thought that the early ‘Salafis ‘ advocated in respect to theological issues such as the nature of the Qur’an as God ‘s messages revealed to the Prophet Muhammad. With regard to the attack to the reading of spiritual texts, the Ahl al-Ra`y represented Muslims bookmans who sought accounts from personal sentiments and adoptions from other civilizations and rational traditions, while the Ahl al-Hadits sufficed themselves with actual significances of the texts and tradition of the Prophet and his comrades believed as pure and original beginnings of Islam.

Another corresponding term, madhhab al-salaf ( the school of sires ) , is found in the literature of Muslim bookmans of mediaeval period. As Lauziere ( 2010:372 ) suggests, written beginnings besides indicate that medieval Muslims bookmans used this term chiefly in the theological arguments within early schools of divinity in Islam. The impression of madhhab al-salaf was used to denominate those who hold a theological pureness in a clip when early Muslims were non faced yet with bad divinity ( ilm al-kalam ) resulted from the brush of Islam and other universe civilisations. The advocates of madhhab al-salaf showed ill will towards Islamic bad divinity ( ‘ilm al-kalam ) which was influenced by Grecian inspiration and rationalism such ‘ilm al-mantiq ( syllogistic logic ) and falsafah ( doctrine ) . Contrary to Islamic theologists ( mutakalimin ) such as Mu’tazilis and Asharites, the people of the madhhab al-salaf distanced themselves from intellectualizing the Godhead issues, such as al asma` wal sifat ( the Godhead names and properties ) . However, the word Salafi or Salafism was non normally used by mediaeval purist Muslims to mention to themselves and their attack to Islam. Alternatively, the common names used to mention to the purists at the period were non derived from the word salaf, but instead from the footings associated with the Prophet Muhammad ‘s tradition, such as Ahl al-Sunnah ( people of the prophetic tradition ) , Ahl al-Hadist ( people of prophetic expressions and expressions ) or al-Atsari ( the follower of the prophetic study ) ( Lauziere, 2010:373 ) .

The Origin of the Confusion of Salafism: Louis Massignon and the Salafyah Review

A recent survey by Lauziere ( 2010 ) revealed the beginning of the confusion between Salafism and Islamic modernism in scholarly literature. He argues that mystifier of Salafism lies in the fact Massignon and bookmans who quoted him were non cognizant of the complex development of the Salafi names within Muslim bookmans in the Middle East. They merely relied on al-Majallah al-Salafiyyah, a monthly reformer diary published by Salafiyya Bookstore in Egypt -whose cardinal function in Salafi discourses will be examined in the undermentioned section- that reached overseas including Paris. Bing established in 1917, the diary was edited by ‘Abd al-Fattah Qatlan and rendered by him into English as Salafyah Review. The diary was purported to function as a selling vehicle for making a wider readership of the Salafiyyah Bookstore. More significantly, the diary was created in the period in which the reform spirit overwhelmed the Salafiyyah Bookstore before the coming of the Saudi-Wahhabi influence on the type of literature it published. So, in line with the reform spirit, the diary aimed to distribute the accomplishments of the pious ascendants ( al-salaf ) in a broad scope of scientific, cultural and rational Fieldss. In line with this spirit, the content of the diary encompassed assorted subjects such as literature, linguistics, and uranology in add-on to spiritual subjects ( Lauziere, 2010:379 ) .

It was through this diary that the term Salafism caught the attending of Western bookmans ( Lauziere, 2010 ) . Louis Massignon, a well-known Gallic orientalist and the major subscriber to the taking diary Revue du monde musulman, subscribed to Arabic diaries including al-Majallah al-Salafiyyah. When the first issue of the diary reached his journal office, Massignon provided account of the Majallah al-Salafiyyah to the readers of his diary. He said that “ the Salafiyyah was an rational motion that emerged in early nineteenth century India at the clip of Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi ( d. 1931 ) [ and ] Siddiq Hasan Khan ( d. 1890 ) , the laminitis of the Ahl-i Hadith motion, had later rehashed its thoughts ” ( Cited in Lauziere, 2010:380 ) . Then, he added that “ from at that place, [ the Salafiyyah ] was spread by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Syaikh ‘Abduh and established itself in Baghdad, Damascus, Cairo and even in the Maghrib and Java ” ( Revue du monde musulman 34, 1916-18 in Lauziere, 2010:380 ) . But, subsequently Massignon abolished the connexion of the Salafiyyah with the nineteenth century Indian motion and focused more on its nexus with al-Afghani and ‘Abduh. Then, he associated Salafiyyah with a comparatively multinational Islamic modernism in the nineteenth century, whose advocates were committed to reform in Islam and Muslim societies ( Lauziere, 2010 ) .

However, Massignon ‘s claim of Salafism is debatable as it raised inquiries with regard to conceptual and historical foundations of Salafism he based on. It is non clear how he came to this claim though it is known that he studied Islam in Baghdad and made contacts with some reform-oriented Muslim bookmans like Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi. Due to this, it can be said that Massignon misinterpreted the term Salafiyyah and inadequately made Salafism and Islamic modernism of al-Afghani and ‘Abduh synonymous ( Lauziere, 2010 ) .

However, as Lauziere ( 2010:381 ) shows, some taking bookmans welcomed Massignon ‘s definition of Salafism and even took its cogency for granted despite its factual restrictions. The celebrated The New World of Islam, published in 1921, repeated this misunderstanding when made mention to Salafiyyah. In 1922, the taking diary The Moslem World published by Hartford Seminary did the same when it translated an article of Massignon from the Revue du monde musulman. This is farther misinterpreted by Henri Laoust, a bookman who spread Massignon ‘s thoughts in French, when in his seminal article in 1932 defined Salafism based on Massignon ‘s construct. Even influential bookman Sir Hamilton Gibb took Massignon ‘s claim of Salafism for granted in his celebrated Modern Trends in Islam. Hence, it is through this rational transmittal that the term Salafism with the sense of Islamic modernist motion was created within Western scholarly literature on Islam.

The Evolution of Salafism

If there is no connexion with al-Afghani and ‘Abduh ‘s Islamic modernism of the late nineteenth century, who foremost used the Salafi label as understood today? And how was it defined? As Lauziere ( 2010 ) argues, to rectify this mystifier requires sing the beginning and development of the term Salafism from the position of conceptual history.

Harmonizing to Lauziere ( 2010, the turning popularity of Salafi names every bit good as convergence between Salafism and Islamic modernism can be attributed to a cardinal function played by the Salafiyah Bookstore ( al-Maktabat al-Salafiyyah ) . It was established in 1909 in Cairo by Muhib al-Din al-Khatib ( 1886-1969 ) , a Syrian militant, well-known figure in the Egyptian publication concern, and student of “ Salafis-cum-modernists ” ‘ulama` , Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi ( d. 1914 ) and Tahir al-Jazairi ( d. 1920 ) . Al-Khatib ‘s engagement in cultural and political personal businesss opened the chance to set up the bookshop aimed at distributing his involvements in Islamic scholarship and reformer thoughts under the label Salafiyyah ( Salafism ) . The name Salafiyyah for the bookshop was inspired by al-Khatib ‘s wise man, Tahir al-Jazairi, who had dispositions to the madhhab al-salaf ( school of the sires ) with regard to Islamic divinity.

But, it seemed that al-Khatib misinterpreted the term Salafiyyah or understood it in a broader sense than al-Jazairi meant ( Lauziere, 2010 ) . This is reflected in the manner he and his spouse, Abdul Fattah Qatlan ( d. 1931 ) , operated the Salafiyyah Bookstore, peculiarly in footings of the type of literature they published. Being motivated by desires to promote educated Arab readers to rediscover the glorification of their spiritual, societal and cultural heritage for the promotion of their society, al-Khatib and Qatlan were non confined themselves in publishing and selling books on the Salafi divinity. Rather, they published plants on progressive nature of Islam ‘s aureate age every bit good as a broad scope of issues non connected to spiritual reform. They used the Salafi names to mention virtually to any Islamic rational heritage in mediaeval period, non in a narrow sense of a peculiar school of divinity. In add-on to treatises on faith, the Salafiyyah Bookstore published plants on Arabic literature, Arabic grammar, and work of mediaeval Muslim philosophers such al-Farabi ( d.950 ) and Ibn Sina ( d.1037 ) . In short, the literature that the Salafiyyah Bookstore published and sold in the 1910s was in conformity with the spirit and concerns of Islamic modernism ( Lauziere, 2010:378 ) .

The choice and publication of this type of literature suggest that al-Khatib and Qatlan attempted to resuscitate the plants of the great Muslim bookmans and underscore the Muslims ‘s part to modernness in the West of modern age. Under the label Salafism, they sought to stress the compatibility between disclosure and modernness as shown by the plants of great and pious sires ( Salaf ) in the yesteryear by which Muslims in the modern age should pattern for the resurgence and promotion of the Islamic universe. In bend, all this resulted in turning Salafiyyah into a common and popular term among manufacturers and consumers of Arabic literature in the Middle East and other Muslim parts ( Lauziere, 2010:382 ) . More significantly, an feeling built up that the Salafiyyah Bookstore intertwined the term Salafism with Islamic modernism projected to the resurgence of Arabs and Muslims in the modern period. The label Salafi movement it used was so considered as to stand for the success and illustriousness of the Islamic yesteryear. The bookshop expanded the range of the term Salafism beyond its initial theological significances and bit by bit created the association between Salafism and the undertaking of Islamic modernism ( Lauziere, 2010:377 ) .

The ulterior development of the Salafiyyah Bookstore, nevertheless, determined the association of Islamic modernism and Salafism and brought approximately decisive alterations in the nature and development of Salafism after the constitution of the Saudi Kingdom in the early 1920s. The bookshop experienced a displacement with regard to picks of plants for publication. This began with the alteration in the pick of plants for publication. In the early 1920s, al-Khatib and Qatlan began to publish plants that appeared contradictive to the imperfect and rationalist thoughts of the Islamic reform motion though they kept advancing Islamic modernism. For illustration, the Salafiyyah Bookstore published plants of those who strongly opposed the layman and controversial plants of ‘Ali ‘Abd al-Raziq and Taha Husayn. It besides published anti-rationalist treatises by Hanbali and his school followings ordered by Saudis. This displacement in the pick of publications was more clearly discernible in the constitution of the Saudi subdivision of the Salafiyyah Bookstore in Mecca in the late 1920 initiated by Qatlan in partnership with a Hijazi Muhammad Salih Nasif ( d.1971 ) . In 1928, to accommodate the local demands, this Saudi subdivision began to print plants on Ahmad ibn Hanbal and his protagonists every bit good pro-Wahhabi books such a theological treatise by Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jawziyya ( 1292-1350 ) , which was printed with the petition and fund from Ibn Sa’ud ( d. 1932 ) , the first sovereign of Saudi Arabia ( Lauziere, 2010:383 ) .

This displacement within the Salafiyya Bookstore ‘s pick of publications, harmonizing to Lauziere ( 2010 ) , should be seen in the context of political alteration in the Muslim universe in the mid 1920s. The autumn of the Ottoman Empire and the abolishment of Islamic Caliphate in the early 1920s brought approximately political and cultural turbulency within the Muslim universe. At the same clip, nevertheless, the rise of the Saudi Kingdom in Hejaz offered Muslim ummah ( planetary Muslim community ) a great hope of societal and political Renaissance in the Muslim universe. Therefore, many Muslims intellectuals and spiritual bookmans, including Rasyid Ridha, supported the immature Saudi province and turned toward spiritual conservativism, peculiarly Wahhabism,[ four ]founded by Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab ( 1703-1792 ) , and endorsed as an official school of Islam and promoted by the province. Al-Khatib showed the same response to these fortunes. He opted to back up the immature Saudi province and showed regard to the Wahhabism and its advocates. These religio-political stances influenced the activities of his Salafiyyah Bookstore. This was reflected in the alteration of picks of redaction and publication when it began to print the Wahhabi treatises and pro-Saudi plants.

Although Lauziere missed to capture the complexness of societal and political transmutation in the Muslim universe in the first one-fourth of 20th century, his statement was sufficient to get the better of to the mystifier of Salafism by doing sense of the development of Salafism. By printing pro-Wahhabi plants to provide the spiritual and political demands of the Saudi elite and advocates of Wahhabism, the Salafiyyah Bookstore brought its commercial label Salafism closer to Wahhabism. Though the Cairo Salafiyyah Bookstore still published modernist subjects, the popularisation and commodification of the Salafi names by the Saudi subdivision of the Salafiyyah Bookstore had brought the Wahhabi spiritual orientation to the bow. The baseless rational association between Salafism ( Salafiyyah ) and al-Afghani and ‘Abduh ‘s Islamic reform every bit good as the absence of the monopoly over Salafism as a selling trade name that al-Khatib and Qatlan might hold opened chance to the advocates of the Wahhabi-oriented purist motion kept utilizing Salafiyyah as the label of their publications disregarding any modernist docket as initiated by the original Salafi Bookstore in Cairo ( Lauziere, 2010 ) . It can be added that given that they shared the strong mention to the pious sire ( al-salaf al-shalih ) with regard to theological issues with the Salafiyyah Bookstore, at least in its early old ages of operation, the advocates of Wahhabism had no troubles in taking the advantage of utilizing Salafism as their label of distributing the purist thoughts of Ibn al-Wahhab.

Through these religious-political procedures, accordingly, the Salafi names experienced re-definition and counter-definitions. More significantly, this bit by bit created the feeling that the term Salafism and Wahhabism of Saudi Arabia were synonymous. The gap of the Saudi-connected Salafiyyah bookshops outside Saudi Arabia, such as in Syria and Pakistan, enforced this feeling ( Lauziere, 2010 ) . Undoubtedly, this development of Salafism explains the province of the modern-day development of the Salafi motion with Saudi Arabia as its major protagonist. Due to the fact that it is a modern-day phenomenon that assigns the epistemic value to traditions, Adis Duderija ( 2007:2011 ) labels the advocates of this modern-day Salafism as “ Neo-Traditional Salafis ” .

In its later development, in the 1960s Wahhabi-inspired Salafism encountered with religious-political thoughts brought by the Islamic militants who fled from their opinion authoritiess ‘ repression and persecution found Saudi Arabia safe haven. This has to make with the Saudi Arabia ‘s policy under King Faisal ( d. 1975 ) to back up Islamic solidarity in its efforts to oppose Egypt ‘s pan-Arabism promoted by President Jamal Abdel Nasser ( d. 1970 ) , which was regarded as a menace to the being of the land ( Lacroix, 2010 ) .

Among these refugees were the members of al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun ( the Muslim Brotherhood ) , a religious-political motion that first emerged in Egypt in 1928 and so distribute to the Muslim universe. The political facets of the political orientation of al-Ikhwan Al Muslimun encountered with the puritanical thoughts of Wahhabism ( Wahhabiyyah ) brought about an rational loanblend identified as al-Sahwa al-Islamiyya ( the Islamic Awakening ) . This designates the birth of a politicised signifier of Salafism or “ politico Salafi movement ” as Quintan Wiktorowicz ( 2006 ) calls. Yet, other groups that consist of independent spiritual bookmans besides found safety in Saudi Arabia. These groups, to some extent with support of senior Saudi spiritual bookmans such Abd al-‘Aziz ibn Baz, were involved determining another loanblend of Wahhabism, which was more concerned theological reforms within Islam. This in bend gave birth to alleged “ unpolitical Salafi movement ” ( Wiktorowicz 2006 ) , which constitutes the dominant current of modern-day Salafi motion. All this gave birth to the modern-day Salafism, which can be defined as “ the rational loanblend that sprouted from Wahhabi substrate in Saudi Arabia in the sixtiess and thereafter ” ( Lacroix, 2009:62 ) .

Though the Wahhabis in the early twentieth century had referred to themselves as Salafis ( Fadl 2003b, Note 98 ) , the term Salafism was non associated with Wahhabism until the seventiess. Through societal and political procedures, the advocates of Wahhabism co-opted the linguistic communication and symbolism of Salafism so that in 1970s Wahhabism and Salafism became practically identical ( Fadl 2003b:57 ) .

Salafi movement and Wahabism

The cooptation or coup d’etat of the Salafi names by the Saudi-backed Wahhabi advocates has made some bookmans conceive Salafism as indistinguishable to Wahhabism in its modern-day development. Noorhaidi Hasan ( 2007 ; 2009 ) , for illustration, conceptualizes Salafism “ as a signifier of reconstituted Wahhabism ” . This is supported by the fact that the proliferation of Wahhabism in the universe has been to the full backed by the Saudi authorities utilizing the streamer of da’wa Salaf ( the proliferation of Salafism ) . The usage of Salafism is non merely because the Wahhabis bend to the Salaf as a perfect theoretical account, but besides it is politically convenient as the term Wahhabism has dyslogistic intension among Muslims ( Hasan, 2007 ; Fadl, 2003 ; Duderija, 2007 ) . Modern Salafism had impulse to distribute when Wahhabism as a salafi strand was endowed with fiscal resources and aligned with Saudi Arabia ‘s policy of seeking local and regional legitimacy every bit good its hegemonic involvements to travel beyond its little and local original base in the desert of Hejaz ( Hashem, 2006 ) .

In add-on, Hasan states, the construct that modern-day Salafism is a reconstituted Wahabism can be found in the fact that the advocates of this motion are determined to distribute the ideas of pre-20th century chief Wahhabi mentions, viz. Ahmad ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn al-Qayyim al-Jauziyya, and Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, every bit good as modern-day Wahhabi governments such as the grant Mufti of ‘Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz and Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani ( Hasan, 2007:85 ) . Similarly, Duderija ( 2007 ) argues that modern-day Salafism portions the same methodological analysis with Wahhabism that spreads to the Muslim universe under the streamer of Salafi names.

Harmonizing to Abou EL Fadl ( 2003 ) , the brush of Wahhabi thoughts and the belief in the domination of the Salaf as a perfect theoretical account has brought about the birth of what he calls “ Salafabism ” . It is a “ supremacist puritanical orientation ” that made by the Saudi spiritual governments manus in manus with political governments “ as a primary manner of reacting to the challenge of modernness ” . In response to the challenge of modernness, Salafabism escapes “ to the secure oasis of the text, but it has treated rational moral penetration as basically perverting of the pureness of the Islamic message ” . Alternatively of covering with the challenge of modernness in proper ways, El Fadl asserts, Salafabism has in fact “ has ended up sabotaging the unity and viability of the Islamic texts and, in the procedure, it has arrested and stunned the development of Islamic normative ethical thought ” ( Fadl, 2003:43 ) .

The Common Doctrines and Methods of Salafism

Unlike the bulk of modern-day Islamic motions, Salafism is non organized within a peculiar Muslim organisation as it does non run under the leading of a peculiar figure in a extremely structured organisation. The protagonists of Salafism are non united by an organisational construction or directed by a peculiar leader or ideologist. Rather, they are united and consolidated by the shared Salafi political orientation or manhaj al-salaf.

As a modern-day evangelist motion, Salafism based its political orientation on worlds of the Muslim universe in the modern epoch. The Salafi political orientation, so, should be placed in the context of the Salafi advocates ‘ responses to socio-religious jobs confronting the modern-day Muslim Ummah. Diagnosing these jobs, the Salafis found that Muslims had non understood and implemented the true Islam, diverting from the way of original instructions of the Qur’an and the Prophet Sunnah as seen in their pattern of tie ining the one God with others ( shirk ) and fear of the saints and their grave. In their position, Muslims had lost the true cognition of Islam and so that they were considered to hold been guilty of disregarding and fouling the pure Islam.

In this diagnostic frame, the Salafis discovered that the socio-religious jobs experienced by the Muslim universe resulted from a scope of factors, which could be classified into internal factors and external 1s. The internal factors had to make with what they believed as un-Islamic ways of life long adopted by the Muslim Ummah. These include the acute job of condemnable spiritual invention ( bid’ah ) , unsighted imitation of the long constituted schools of idea ( taqlid ) , and the engagement of human desire and mind in apprehension and practising spiritual texts. In add-on, the Salafis believe that the external factors had contributed to the Muslims ‘ socio-religious jobs. These include the influence of the modern Western civilisation and its by-products such as rationalism, secularism, feminism, and democracy.

In response, the Salafis called for return to the reliable Islam as the lone solution to the jobs of modern-day Muslims. In this predictive frame, they believed that work outing these jobs needfully requires the undertaking of re-Islamizing Muslims, conveying back Muslims to the existent Islam as understood by the Prophet and the early coevalss of Muslims ( the Salaf ) .

Purification and Education ( Tashfiyyah wal-tarbiyyah )

To accomplish this, the Salafis developed a program of actions that involves two schemes: tashfiyyah and tarbiyyah ( Noorhaidi, 2005 ) . First, tashfiyyah is purification of Islam and Muslims from any foreign elements, either thoughts or patterns, which have polluted the pureness of Islam and the Muslims ‘ behaviour. In making so, the Salafis reject spiritual inventions ( bid’ah ) , human mind, and foreign thoughts, and, at the same clip, name for a direct audience, with a literalist reading, to the Quran and the Sunnah and rigorous application of their written instructions in the present clip. This scheme needfully requires the Salafis to disregard the rational heritage of Islamic schools of idea ( madhhab ; plural: madhahib ) , at least the schools of those whom they believe have deviated from the method of justly guided ascendants ( manhaj al-salaf al-shalih ) . In the position of the Salafis, it is merely through tashfiyyah that the reliable and original Islam is revealed to the Muslims in the modern period.

The call for return to spiritual texts as an reply to jobs confronting the Muslims is in fact non alone to Salafism. This solution was besides shared by other Islamic evangelist motions including the Islamic modernism of al-Afghani and ‘Abduh. All these motions turn to religious texts for happening replies to the jobs confronting the Muslim universe. But, what well distinguishes the Salafi solution from the others lies in its schemes of coming back to the spiritual texts. In their effort to happen replies to the worlds of modernness confronting the Muslim universe, the Salafis employ literalist attack to the Bible in that they do non rethink the texts by seting them in the context where worlds might determine the procedure of text formation. In other words, the advocates of Salafism tend to be scripturalist-cum-literalists in their effort to happen replies to worlds of modernness from spiritual texts.

Second, the following measure to re-Islamize the Muslim societies is tarbiyyah, educating Muslims the true instructions of Islam based on the method of the righteous ascendants ( al-salaf al-shalih ) . For the Salafis, the salaf is as a perfect theoretical account for understanding and practising Islam in modern period based on their apprehension of a Hadith which reported that Prophet Muhammad said that the best Moslem coevalss were a coevals of his clip ( shahabah [ his Companions ] ) , so a coevals after them ( tabi’in [ followings of his Companions ) , and so a coevals after ( atba’u al-tabi’in [ followings of the followings ] ) .[ V ]The centrality of the salaf construct is obvious within the Salafi political orientation so that one ‘s committedness to the reliable Islam is determined by to what degree he or she follows and deviates from the Salaf method.

The Importance of Da’wah

To carry through this Godhead undertaking of educating Muslims the pure Islam, the Salafis are committed to make da’wah, a call or invitation to Islam harmonizing to the Salafi methods. In general, the Salafi dawah involves activities aimed at propagating the Salafi thoughts among Muslims. These include dawrah, an intensive preparation programme on a peculiar subject with a Salafi spiritual instructor or bookman ; halaqah, a spiritual assemblage where a little group of attenders sit in circle and learn spiritual texts ; and mass spiritual assemblage, which is sometimes unfastened to public other than the Salafis to pull new followings. The Salafi dawah is besides manifested in the constitution of the Salafi publication houses by which the Salafis publish books and diaries for wider audiences. To back up their dawah, the Salafis besides set up foundations and spiritual acquisition Centres, which by and large receive fiscal support from the Middle Eastern givers. In add-on to traditional media of extension, the Salafis employ as media of their dawah the modern information and communicating engineerings such as wireless and the cyberspace, whose usage by the Salafis is the topic of this survey.

As a scheme for re-Islamizing Muslims, the Salafi dawah is focused on distributing the Salafi common credo, which known as ‘aqidat al-salaf ( the Salafi credo ) . This credo addresses basic philosophies and cardinal beliefs shared by the Salafis. It besides provides guiding rules and principles for modulating codification of behavior and building spiritual opinions of modern-day issues. The Salafi credo is formulated in the undermentioned philosophies.

The Centrality of Tawhid

The philosophy of tawhid ( the unity of God ) lies at the really nucleus of the Salafi political orientation ( Noorhaidi, 2005 ; Wiktorowicz, 2006 ; Iqbal, 2010 ) . This is a cardinal belief which Muslims are required to accept in order to be true Muslims. Harmonizing to the Salafis, the Islamic construct of tawhid consists of three constituents. First, tawhid al-uluhiyyah ( the unity of Lordship ) ; it is a belief that Allah is the lone Godhead of all things and He is the 1 who has sovereignty over universe. In Islam, this cardinal belief is reflected in the shahadah ( testimony of religion ) , which says “ Ashhadu alla ilaha illallah Washington ashahadu anna Muhammad rasulullah ” , intending “ I testify that there is no God except Allah and Muhammad is His courier ” .

Second, tawhid al-‘ubudiyyah ( the unity of worship ) ; It is a belief that Allah entirely has the right to be worshipped. This involves a entire entry to Allah in all facets of human life. For the Salafis, to be a true retainer of Allah, a Muslim must individual Him out in all Acts of the Apostless of worship and function Him with complete trueness.

Third, tawhid al-asma` wa al-shifat ( the unity of Godhead names and properties ) ; this is a belief that God has peculiar features and powers, which are alone and non shared with worlds and His other creative activities. In the positions of the Salafis, a true Muslim must accept that Allah has alone names and attributes every bit mentioned in the Qur’an and the reliable Sunnah in their actual significances without turning to the human logic to construe them as metaphors or comparing them to the properties of His creative activities.

The philosophy of tawhid philosophy occupies a cardinal place within the Salafi political orientation. It is non merely as a cardinal belief, the tawhid is besides the ultimate aim which single Muslims and societies are obliged to recognize in evey facets of their lives. Failure to purely adhere to this philosophy necessitates a Muslim to fall into shirk, tie ining creative activities with the one God, and bid’ah ( out spiritual inventions ) , both of which are considered great wickednesss that pollute the pureness of tawhid.

However, the philosophy of tawhidi is non alone to the Salafi motion. In fact, other Islamic motions, such as Wahhabism, Ihkwan al-Muslimin and Jamaat-i-Islam, even mainstream Muslims portion the tawhid as their cardinal belief. Yet, the Salafis differ from these motions and mainstream Muslims in that they use a actual attack the spiritual texts in their reading and preparation of the tawhid. It is at this point reject the construct of tawhid hakimiyyah ( the unity of sovereignty ) , which was formulated by Abul A’la al-Maududi ( 1903-1979 ) and Sayyid Quthb ( 1906-1966 ) , the ideologists of Jamaati Islami and Ikhwan al-Muslimin severally, as the 4th constituent of the tawhid. As will be explained in subsequently, the Salafi rejection of tawhid al-hakimiyyah was non merely based on its deficiency of actual footing in the Quran and the Sunnah, but besides was incited by their strong belief that the construct has political deductions that can damage the pureness of the tawhid and consequence in political rebellions against the swayers.

The Salafis have made every attempt to protect tawhid and what they believe the original instructions of Islam from any foreign elements that contaminate their pureness and originality. In making so, they develop philosophies aimed at sublimating and protecting Islam and Muslims from un-Islamic elements, ideas and patterns. This is reflected in the undermentioned subsequent constructs they formulated for this intent.

The Sunnah

Like mainstream Muslim groups, the Salafis believe in the centrality of the Sunnah second after the Qur’an. Pulling on classical ulum al-hadith ( scientific discipline of the Hadith ) , the Salafis specify the Sunnah as the Prophet Muhammad ‘s statements ( qawl ) , actions ( fi’l ) and silent blessing ( taqrir ) , which have been collected in the reliable Hadith aggregations. As ‘Abd Allah ibn Baz asserts, the Sunnah is “ whatever is genuinely narrated from Allah ‘s courier ” ( Cited in Duderija, 2011:58 ) .

Yet, the Sunnah acquires a really particular place within the Salafi political orientation. The advocates of Salafism believe that the historical bequest of the Prophet Muhammad and righty guided early Muslim coevalss ( al-salaf al-shalih ) in footings of their ways of apprehension and implementing the Quran is normative, inactive and universalistic in nature ( Duderija, 2011 ) . It is jussive moods, for the Salafis, to accept a Hadith ( a study of the Prophet ‘s expressions and behaviors ) considered sound and valid ( shahih ) , even a individual Hadith, if it is reported by one of the Prophet ‘s comrades whose credibleness believed unquestionable. Hence, the thought of knocking the credibleness of these “ righteous sires ” and critical or contextual analysis of the content of their studies is anathema to the Salafi construct of Sunnah.

The Danger of bid’ah

The Salafis ‘ construct of the Sunnah is instantly followed by their perceptual experience of bid’ah. Harmonizing to Salafis, whatever is non written, prescribed or has no case in point found in legitimate spiritual texts is considered a out dissident invention. Hence, they conceive bid’ah as opposite word to Sunnah. They base this construct on a Hadith which reported that the Prophet Muhammad warned Muslims of the freshly invented affairs because they are bid’ah and every bid’ah is misguidance, and every misguidance leads to the Hell. So, with regard to methodological analysis, the Salafis respect Muslims who do non follow the way of Ahl al-Hadith as guilty of bid’ah. Due to this strong belief, the Salafis accuse Muslim groups such as Sufis, Syi’ah ( Shiites ) , Ahl al-Kalam, and jurisprudence and theological schools of idea of being the sacredly prohibited pioneers. Ibn Amir al-Ruhaylee, a Salafi professor at Islamic University of Madinah and lector at the Prophet ‘s Grand Mosque in Madinah believes that Muslims who do non follow the way of the ulema of Ahl al-Sunnah belong to the people of bid’ah ( ahl al-bid’ah ) as they have violated the true way of Sunnah ( Duderija, 2011:60 ) .

Actually, the thought of bid’ah is non alone to Salafism. It has been the topic of treatment every bit good as the beginning of division among Muslim bookmans from different schools of ideas ( madhhab ) . But, contrary to the Salafi construct, these bookmans have more nuanced definition of bid’ah. As Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani provinces:

The root significance of invention [ bid’ah ] is what is produced without case in point. It is applied in the jurisprudence in resistance to the Sunna and is hence blamable. Strictly talking, if it is portion of what is classified as applaudable by the jurisprudence so it is a good invention ( hasanah ) , while if it is portion of what is classified as blameworthy by the jurisprudence so it is blamable ( mustaqbaha ) , otherwise it falls in the class of what is permitted indifferently ( mubah ) . It can be divided into the known five classs ( cited in Duderija 2011:60 ) .

Al-Wala` wal Bara`

Another chief Salafi philosophy is al-wala` wal-bara` ( confederation and disassociation ) .The advocates of Salafism believe that a Muslim is obliged to construct confederation, support and love for Islam and fellow Muslims ( al-wala ) as an look and manifestation of his or her committedness to Islam. At the same clip, a Muslim must denounce and dissociate him or herself from nonbelievers and those regarded as the enemies of Islam and Muslims ( al-bara` ) .

The construct of al-wala wal bara constitutes a boundary scene aimed at making a distinct differentiation between Muslims and non-Muslims or enemies of Muslims with regard to every facet of their lives. By dissociating themselves from non-believers and maintaining rigorous confederation with fellow Muslims, the Salafis effort to protect Islam and Muslims from un-Islamic elements that are possible to pollute their pureness. Furthermore, the Salafis cut down al-wala` wal-bara` to the confederations among the Salafi advocates and Salafi disassociation from those regarded as non-Salafis or non existent Salafis ( Iqbal, 2010 ) .

In pattern, the philosophy of al-wala` wal-bara` is manifested in the Salafis ‘ pick to populate in a tightly knit community, where they are secluded from other members of society. Through this privacy, the Salafis believe they are protecting themselves from un-Islamic behaviors and ideas and beef uping their communal coherence. Yet, their comparatively closed system of community differs from the one practiced by Islamic political motions such as Ikhwan al-Muslimin and Hizb al-Tahrir. On one manus, the Salafis ‘ secluded community is built as an effort to protect the pureness Islam and themselves from un-Islamic elements and condemnable inventions that wildly spread outside their community. In the latter system, on the other manus, the committed advocates and followings are required to populate in a highly-structured cells built as a footing community for the Islamic province they aspire for ( Noorhaidi, 2005 in Iqbal, 2010 ) .


To protect the pureness of Islam, the Salafis chorus from any political inclination and activities. For them, educating Muslims the true Islamic instructions through dawah is privileged over political activities including those aimed at set uping an Islamic province. This apoliticism is seen in the Salafis ‘ rejection of what they call hizbiyyah ( partiality ) , which they believe promoted by Islamic motions such as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun and Hizb al-Tahrir. In the Salafi apprehension, hizbiyyah leads Muslims to prioritise political relations and political involvements over the call for the pure Islam and the duty of purification of Islam and Muslims from bastard spiritual inventions. Alternatively of naming for the true Islam, political docket as pursued by the above-named motions besides have call Muslims for fanatism to their political groups and leaders. By making this, the Salafis emphasize that they are the lone Islamic group that is genuinely committed to the chief mission of Islam as practiced by the Prophet and the salaf ( Noorhaidi, 2005 in Iqbal 2008 ) .

Furthermore, the Salafis ‘ apoliticism is expressed in their refusal to admit the alleged tawhid al-hakimiyyah ( the unity of sovereignty ) as the 4th component of the philosophy of tawhid. It is a philosophy, which was formulated by ideologists of Islam political relations such as Abul ‘Ala al-Mawdudi of Jamaat Islami and Sayyid Qutb of Ikhwan al-Muslimin, that administration and sovereignty merely belong to the 1 Allah as the lone Godhead, upholder and swayer of the existence ( Noorhaidi, 2005 in Iqbal, 2008 ) . This philosophy has deductions that since Allah is the lone 1 who has authorization to modulate the existence and human, those Muslims and Muslims swayers who do non implement the Torahs of God are considered in resistance against His authorization and sovereignty and can be declared as disbelievers ( takfir ) ( Iqbal, 2008 ) .

The Salafi rejection of the tawhid al-hakimiyyah is non merely based on their history that it has no written precedency in the Quran and the Sunnah so that it is a out invention, but besides on their statement that political activities can do pandemonium, struggles and atomizations within the Muslim universe. More significantly, they assert that the philosophy of tawhid al-hakimiyyah can motivate a radical spirit that encourages Muslims to arise against their swayer. Any effort to prehend power form the opinion authoritiess, for the Salafis, will stop up merely in bloodshed and socio-political upset as seen in the instance of the blackwash of Egyptian president Anwar Sadat in the early 1980s by a jihadi group and the FIS ( Islamic Salvation Front ) triumph in Algeria in the early 1990s ( Noorhaidi,2005 in Iqbal, 2008 ) .

The Salafis perceive that alternatively of conveying Muslims closer to the reliable Islam as practiced by the righteous Salaf, the battle in political activities has caused them acquire closer to un-Islamic elements by following Western political systems of democracy, elections and political party as vehicle to prehend power and set up an Muslim province. Therefore, the Salafis believe that the political-oriented Islamic motions really politicise Islam for their personal or group ‘s involvements. They are besides non enthusiastic with the thought of the constitution of Islamic province or Caliphate advocated by these motions. An Muslim province, in their position, is non ultimate end of Islam ; instead, it is a promise and wages which Allah will give to Muslims who protect the pureness of Islam and implement the original instructions of the Quran and the Sunnah ( Noorhaidi, 2005 in Iqbal, 2008 ) .

The Quran and Sunnah are Self-explanatory

Salafi movement is a text-based spiritual motion as it finds confident security in spiritual texts. Methodologically, the advocates of Salafism project their spiritual and non-religious issues including their social-political defeats and insecurities into spiritual texts ( Qur’an and the Sunnah ) .

In their effort to protect the pureness of the original beginnings of Islam, the Salafis reject the application of human mind and logic to the denudation of the significances of the Quran and the Sunnah. In the Salafi positions, human mind or ‘rationalism ‘ is considered as the most unsafe challenge to the pureness of Islam. The human mind, for the Salafis, is debatable when used to uncover the significances of the spiritual texts. In one manus, it is a limited human capableness so that it lacks power to bring out the significances of the limitless God ‘s words. On the other manus, God ‘s original texts, the Quran and the Hadith, are self-explanatory ; they are revealed through clear Arabic to mankind so that the huge bulk of the spiritual opinions can be easy derived. As a consequence, there is no demand to affect the human mind and logic in the procedure of understanding the spiritual texts.

From the position of this Salafi hermeneutics, if a Muslim or a Muslim bookman has necessary cognition and preparation in Islamic scientific discipline, he or she will hold ability to understand the significances of the Quran and Sunnah without concluding and turning to his or her ain mind for aid. The bookmans, so, virtually have limited function ; they are “ reduced to the archeology of godly texts: their map is merely to unearth the truth that lies someplace in the Qur’an and Sunna ” ( Wiktorowicz, 2006:210 ) .

As a consequence, there is no what alleged reading because there is merely individual significance and truth as revealed by the Qur’an, the Prophet Muhammad and the Salaf. The issue of interpretative differences are anathema to the Salafi method of spiritual text reading. At this point, for the Salafis, using human mind means opening the manner to human desire to falsify the significances and pureness of the Quran and the Sunnah. The rational attacks to the reading of these Islamic beginnings will take to human desire, which in bend will impede the disclosure of spiritual truth to human ( Wiktorowicz, 2006 ) .

Alternatively of esteeming the unity of sanctum spiritual text, in fact, Salafism abuses the spiritual texts as a peculiar group of readers exploit the spiritual texts in line with reactionist power kineticss in society ( Fadl, 2003 ) . The Salafi method of reading is despotic and autocratic in nature. Harmonizing to this attack, world is polarized into two waies: the way of God on one manus, and the way of Satan on the other manus. Worlds are either in the way of God or the way of Satan. Those who follow the way of God are the justly guided and those who deny it are the ill-conceived.

The True Knowledge ( ‘ilm )

Consequently, the centrality of spiritual texts and the philistine orientation have a great impact on the Salafi epistemology. Harmonizing to the Salafis, true cognition ( ‘ilm ) is merely acquired through apprehension of the revealed texts, the Quran and Sunnah. The lone legitimate beginning of cognition is written texts. Knowledge is what is supported with grounds ( dalil ) derived from the Quran and Sunnah. Supporting grounds comes from other than spiritual texts including personal logical thinking and bad thoughts such as doctrine and societal scientific disciplines can non convey truth and certainty. With this epistemology, the Salafis have restricted the Islamic construct of ‘ilm to merely whatever is written in the Quran and the Hadith aggregations and, later, have marginalized, if non rejected, any beginnings come from the procedure of human rational logical thinking.

Muhammad ibn Shalih al-Uthaymin, for illustration, argues that legitimate spiritual cognition should be sourced from the Qur’an, the pre-modern scientific disciplines of the Quranic reading, the reliable Hadith, and ijma ‘ ( consensus ) of the ulema who have remained faithful to the manner of pre-modern ahl al-hadith. Even some Salafi governments such as Nashir al-Din al-Albani restricts the legitimate cognition to the Quran and Hadith and argues for the replacing of ground in the legal procedure with the Hadith. As a effect, the Salafis reject the legitimacy of the rational bequest of schools of idea ( madhhab ; plural: madhahib ) with regard to Islamic law and divinity. Mentioning to Ahmad ibn Hanbal, al-Albani argues that the “ the sentiments of the major madhhab bookmans were merely sentiments and that the grounds was merely found in the narrative ( athar/hadith ) ” ( Duderija, 2011:56 ) .

Duderija ( 2011 ) examines this Salafi methodological analysis of cognition in item. First, the Salafi Hagiographas are a aggregation of the Quranic poetries and pieces of Hadith, which are atomistically and eclectically cited under a peculiar subject. The authors largely provide no analysis or history of historical contexts in respect to texts being dealt with. This has resulted in the demand of no theory or attacks of reading, the 2nd nature of the Salafi Hagiographas. Third, when they need to back up their stance or explicate a peculiar poetry or Hadith, the Salafi authors merely refer to selected plants of spiritual bookmans considered as to hold remained faithful to the manner of the righteous ascendants ( al-manhaj al-salaf ) . These include spiritual bookmans of pre-modern period such as Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn al-Qayyim, and Muhammad ‘Abd al-Wahhab.

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