The struggle of black inequality Essay Example

the determination of white Southern lawmakers to limit the rights of people of color. Moreover, the black codes, coupled with race riots across the South, led many Republicans to recognize the necessity of federal intervention in the reconstruction process. They realized that the President was actively working against the reconstruction efforts, prompting them to seek a way to regain control over the process.

In the 1866 congressional elections, the Republican Party obtained a two-thirds majority in the new congress, enabling them to reimpose military occupation in the South and restart Reconstruction. This new program, known as Radical Reconstruction Process, was marked by the passage of the 14th amendment in 1867. This amendment nullified all laws that discriminated against Black individuals, making them full citizens and guaranteeing their "equal protection of all laws." Additionally, the 15th amendment in 1870 prevented the denial of voting rights to adult males based on their race, class, color, or former servitude. The Republican Party then proceeded to register the Black population for voting purposes.

Fairclough depicts the progress made by Black individuals during the reconstruction process, as they occupied various public offices such as sheriffs, judges, councilmen, commissioners, legislators, congressmen, and senators. He emphasizes the role played by the Freedmen's Bureau in establishing an education system for the Black population. Fairclough also highlights one of the fundamental flaws in the Radical Reconstruction Process that hindered its success: land. The promised allocation of 40 acres and a mule to Black individuals did not materialize; instead, the Republican Party returned confiscated land to white landowners.

The author acknowledges that blacks were able to obtain land but neglects to explain how they acquired it. The author

also fails to recognize that many blacks participated in sharecropping and remained under the control of white landowners. Another issue highlighted by the author is the Republican party's role in the education system. When the freedman's bureau closed in 1870, education fell under the jurisdiction of state legislatures, resulting in significant neglect of the system.

In 1890, the enrollment rate in schools was significantly higher for white individuals compared to black individuals. Half of the white population were enrolled, while only 31% of black individuals were enrolled. This resulted in a significant literacy gap between the races, with 65% of the black population unable to read or write.

Unfortunately, the government's inability to enforce its own policy of racial equality proved to be the biggest failure of the reconstruction project. Despite its radical concept, its execution was weak. The Republicans disenfranchised many white southerners and alienated them but quickly reinstated the Confederates into the union. As a consequence, there was a lack of resources to maintain control in the south.

The concept of reconstruction was not favored by white southerners, who instead backed the Democratic Party and aimed to reestablish white supremacy. Acts of terrorism were employed to frighten white sympathizers. The Ku Klux Klan originated in Pulaski, Tennessee in 1866, but it was the black community that bore the brunt of this terrorism. This terrorist menace caused instability in Republican-led legislatures in South Carolina, Louisiana, and Mississippi.

The republican party attempted to stop a string of terrorist attacks by taking multiple actions, which included sending troops and organizing state militia. They also suspended the writ of habeas corpus and carried out prosecutions. Additionally, they aimed to pass federal

legislation that would grant redemption to the south, thus empowering the democrats. Once the southern legislatures came under democratic control, sneaky tactics like gerrymandering electoral districts, eliminating elective positions, and creating complex voting procedures were employed to undermine black voting rights.

Despite their attempts to sabotage black voting and resorting to fraud, it was difficult to suppress the black vote. Despite facing numerous obstacles, black voters continued to turn out in large numbers. In Mississippi in 1890, the state with the largest black population, a new constitution was adopted. This constitution mandated that all electors possess the ability to read and interpret any part of the constitution. As a result, the number of votes dropped drastically from 190,000 to 8,000.

This resulted in a ripple effect in other states, as the federal government's lack of action on this issue resulted in the implementation of this procedure in other southern states. Faircloff also references attempts at a populist movement focused on racial unity. The argument was that both black and white individuals faced the same economic issues and should join forces; skin color did not affect the interests of farmers, sharecroppers, and laborers.

In 1984, the populist and republican parties in North Carolina formed a coalition called 'Fusion', which led to their rise to power. Fusion was a distinctive attempt at promoting biracial politics and increasing black involvement in the state. Regrettably, this approach was not embraced by other southern states and had a short duration. The failure of this model can be attributed to the prevailing belief in white supremacy, resulting in the emergence of quasi-military groups among white individuals. Furthermore, newspapers extensively covered alleged incidents of black

men sexually assaulting white women during that time.

Hysteria was fueled by the fear of Black Domination. The author argues that Fusion would not have succeeded without the support of white supremacists, since they promoted biraciality but were reluctant to advocate for racial equality. Firciff also blames the Republican Party for the failure of reconstruction in North Carolina, attributing it to their lack of interest and half-hearted commitment to northern politics.

By 187 and the failure of reconstruction, they only made small efforts to support the push for racial equality. By 1900, they were fully embracing white supremacy. They no longer believed that black people could achieve the same level as white people, especially since immigrants were seen as inferior whites. It seemed impossible for black people to be considered equal to old stock Americans. In this chapter, Firclough examines the decline of the reconstruction movement in the southern states. He credits this decline to the changing views of northern Republicans regarding the potential of black people to transform themselves.

As time passed, the influx of immigrants in the northern states influenced the perceptions of white northerners towards the status of black people and their understanding of southern white people's belief in racial superiority. This significant increase in the number of lower-class white immigrants aided white people in accepting the inferiority of black people. Furthermore, the southern states conducted various campaigns in the north to educate them about the realities of the African American population, promoting the concept of separate but equal. All these factors played a role in establishing white supremacy.

In the next two chapters, the author explores the contrasting responses to black inequality: protest and accommodation.

He focuses on two influential figures, Ida B. Wells and Booker T. Washington, who represent these divergent conceptions of societal organization. The chapter is dedicated to Ida B. Well's activism and protest against lynching, as well as the formation of women's clubs and organizations that represent people of colored descent. Additionally, he discusses how these efforts raised international awareness about the inhumane practice of lynching in the Southern United States.

According to Fairclough, the campaign against lynching initiated the modern civil rights movement and the first organized attempt to challenge white supremacy. This chapter explores the harsh reality of lynching and its perception as a form of justice in Southern states. Fairclough highlights that both the general public and authorities endorsed lynching as a means of punishment, even though perpetrators openly boasted about their deeds. Regrettably, little was done to hold these individuals responsible.

The ideological justification for lynching was the belief that black men were savage brutes. It was used to justify denying blacks the right to vote, workplace discrimination, and exclusion from juries. It also emphasized the need for strict segregation by focusing on black sexuality and the perceived danger of social equality, particularly the alleged rape of white women by black men. During the 1880s, black organizations mostly denounced lynching, but their responses were cautious and apologetic. This was the situation during Ida B.'s time.

Wells was a vocal journalist who opposed the notion that lynching could be justified as a response to rape. She argued that lynching was not a form of justice for rape, but rather a means of instilling fear and suppressing the economic advancement of black individuals. This was driven by

the fear of economic displacement if black individuals were allowed to succeed. Wells began her career in journalism as an unpaid contributor to a local black newspaper. However, she quickly expanded her reach by selling articles to publications such as "the American Baptist", "The Indianapolis World", "The Kansas City Dispatch", and the "New York Freedman".

In 1889, she took on ownership and editing responsibilities for the Memphis Free Speech newspaper. Wells openly presented the concept of Black men raping white women but also suggested the possibility of consensual sexual acts between the two parties in one of her articles. The southern regions responded with threats of hanging the article's writer, resulting in the two business partners fleeing and her relocating to the North to escape retaliation. Moving to the North enabled her to expose the brutalities of lynching and garner support for her campaign against this cruel form of justification.

In 1895, she released a Red Record, which examined the circumstances surrounding lynching cases in the South. Her findings revealed that only one-third of these cases were ever justified by claims of rape, highlighting the brutality of the process and its lackluster justifications. Her efforts were instrumental in bringing international attention to the atrocities committed through lynching. Furthermore, her visit to London in 1893 played a crucial role in garnering disapproval for the brutalities of lynching and causing embarrassment for the United States on the global stage.

Her most significant allies emerged in the 1890's when the black women's clubs were formed, and in 1896, the National Association of Colored Women was established. By 1900, the NACW boasted 18,000 members across 300 local clubs. She actively participated

in the establishment of the Women's Loyal Union. These clubs offered their support to Wells in her campaign against lynching, echoing her stance that rape should neither be used as a justification nor a cause. By addressing the issue of interracial sex, Wells challenged the stereotype of the promiscuous and immoral African American.

Wells had a major impact on the civil rights movement, attracting global attention and helping to reduce lynching. In 1985, Booker T. Washington gave his renowned Atlanta compromise speech, promoting a more conciliatory approach. He urged African Americans to refrain from agitation and instead seek a resolution based on mutual accommodation between races. Booker T. Washington disproved the negative stereotype of black men held by White America.

Recognized as both a statesman and educator, his continuous efforts to reconcile the division between the black and white populations established him as the most influential black leader in America until his death in 1915. Washington advocated for economic collaboration and made two key acknowledgments. He firstly acknowledged that radical reconstruction had been a mistake, as it falsely assumed that black individuals started from a high social position rather than from the bottom. Additionally, he criticized the excessive emphasis on political involvement among blacks, arguing that they had neglected the significance of acquiring practical skills and a strong work ethic.

The second concession made to assuage white concerns was the acknowledgement that black individuals were not seeking social equality. Many white people interpreted this as an endorsement of racial segregation. Despite facing challenges and criticism, Washington proposed a constructive plan for economic cooperation. He encouraged African Americans to remain in the southern states, focusing on hard work rather

than advocating for their rights, and to foster amicable relationships with white individuals from the south.

The Atlanta compromise, which was introduced by Washington, ushered in a new era of race relations. However, as the 19th century transitioned into the 20th century and no improvements were seen for African Americans, he faced criticism from a small but influential group that later formed the NAACP. They argued that the Atlanta compromise was not truly a compromise because it appeared that African Americans had made all the concessions while white people hadn't made any. Instead, they believed that this compromise actually served to highlight and strengthen the notion of white supremacy. Fairclough suggests that Washington's strategies for advancing black progress centered around his Tuskegee Institute and its associated ideology.

Arriving in Alabama in 1881, Tuskegee was administered exclusively by African Americans. By establishing a school run entirely by black individuals, Washington made a strong declaration of racial equality. It became a proud emblem of hope for both African Americans and West Indians, embodying the philosophy of progress through education. The Tuskegee Idea focused on advancing through mastery of basic working skills and their application to the needs of the agricultural economy in the South.

In his fourth chapter, Firclough delves into the emergence of the NAACP. This organization was a powerful force in advocating for equal rights for African Americans and had a significant impact on shaping American history as one of the most influential reform movements. On May 31st, 1909, notable individuals gathered in New York City to participate in the National Conference on the Negro. At this event, they strongly condemned the increasing oppression and violence faced by

black people. The founding members of the NAACP were representative of the Progressive era (1980-1917).

The organization consisted of affluent, old stock American whites who were protestant and socialist. They resided in major cities and many were descendants of the abolitionist movement. The black members were also well-educated and economically prosperous. However, Fairclough notes that those who established the movement were distinct from traditional progressives who showed little concern for Black America. The ideology of the NAACP rejected racism entirely, advocating for equality among all human beings regardless of color.

The conference contradicted Booker T. Washington's belief in progress through compromise and instead advocated for direct action against oppression. They emphasized the importance of adhering strictly to the constitution and promoting equality. However, Fairclough argues that the NAACP had an unbalanced and uneasy relationship between whites and blacks. While there was fair representation of whites on the 30-member board, the three most prominent positions were held by whites. This imbalance made critics view the organization with unease, although it was still successful in its mission.

E Bois played a significant role in supporting and being part of the movement that enhanced their credibility as an organization focused on advancing Black America. W. E Bois, an educated person of color who vigorously advocated for Black equality and had a deep understanding of the arts, strongly criticized Booker T. Washington's accommodative approach. He believed that economic efforts alone would not bring about real emancipation. Instead, he proposed the concept of the talented tenth, which emphasized the importance of having cultured and open-minded leaders who would fight for equal rights.

His views were completely different from those of Washington. He believed that

economic wealth could not outweigh the importance of education and the right to vote. The Niagra movement, established in 1905, was the first collective effort by African Americans to demand equal rights in the 20th century. However, Fairclough considered this movement as a failed symbol of black protest. He highlighted flaws in Dubois' leadership such as its origin in Northern States and lack of trust among black southerners.

Firclough claimed that the race riot of 1906 in Atlanta was a significant event in the downfall of the Niagara movement. This riot shattered the morale of Atlanta's leaders and provided a platform for Washington to assert his influence in the black community. The failure of the Niagara movement cleared the path for the NAACP and DuBois as its spokesperson. The NAACP adopted an aggressive approach to litigation. Firclough highlighted the fervor of the movement and the growing support, evident in the increasing number of members.

In 1916, the NAACP had a membership of 8,785 and 8 branches across the north and south. According to Firclogh, after Booker T. Washington's death, the NAACP took on the responsibility of filling an empty space. Nevertheless, there remained disagreement within the black community, especially in the south, as many were hesitant to openly advocate for their rights. Firclogh also explores how World War I instilled optimism among black Americans that it would result in the eradication of white supremacy just as the civil war abolished slavery.

According to Fairclough, the Great War had various effects on Black Americans. One of the most notable effects was the Great Migration to the Northern States. Fairclough attributes this to the economic opportunities that arose during the

war, where industries that had previously excluded blacks began to open their doors to them. He emphasizes the importance of politics in this migration as well, stating that decades of oppression in the Southern States played a significant role.

The author emphasizes the impact of the war on agitation, particularly regarding racial segregation in the military. Consequently, both black and white individuals are adopting more militant attitudes. Black individuals are growing increasingly resentful of discrimination at home, while white individuals are resolute in their efforts to suppress black individuals. This migration also elicits a harsh reaction from white America, as they perceive the black movement as a threat to their economic security. A clear manifestation of this tension is apparent in the brutal race riot that transpired in Houston on July 2nd, 1917, resulting in the deaths of 40 black individuals and 8 white individuals.

According to Fairclough, there was a clear military segregation with 80% of the black soldiers being assigned to labor battalions, making up 1/3 of the army's pick and shovel workers. This segregation resulted in bitterness and discrimination upon their return to America, which had a significant impact on the political landscape and the aspirations of black individuals. This sense of militancy was embodied by Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican-born leader and founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA).

The powers of DuBois and Garvey translated black agitation into an international affair. In the post-World War scenario, the NAACP started to grow in the southern states. The militancy resulted in the creation of labor unions and organized protests. The period after the great war was marked by a tense climate, with even more tense

backlash. Firclough highlights the red summer of 1919 to emphasize the racial tension within society, which erupted in violence and lynching across both the north and south.

During this period, the Interracial Cooperation committee was formed to put an end to racial violence and facilitate cooperation. The chapter titled "Marcus Garvey and the UNIA" reflects on the establishment of a mass movement, the first of its kind integrating black America. It was a nationalist movement with international dimensions. Garveyism was built upon the belief in the superiority of the black race, rejecting ideas of black inferiority. Garvey, a passionate speaker, was able to captivate widespread support for the concept of Africa for Africans.

According to Firclough, the rapid rise of gaverynism can be attributed to the death of Booker T. Washington and the ability of the UNIA to demonstrate the strength of an all-black organization, unlike the NAACP which had failed due to its white membership. Grvey embraced the concept of racial segregation and advocated for separatism. He also supported racial purity and promoted Washington's accommodationist philosophy. These factors greatly discredited his legitimacy as a leader. The failure of the black strline and the Libya movement also contributed to the disintegration of the Garveyism movement.

He also attributes the failure of the movement to the changing direction of the Garvey philosophy. According to Firclugh, the most erroneous action on Garvey's part was admitting to secret talks with the imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan in Altand. This act was viewed as a betrayal by the black community and black nationalism. The Garvey movement's new program was heavily attacked, launching an anti-Garvey movement consisting of members of the

NAACP and other prominent officials.

The Y [mysterious entity] sought to undermine Garvey's reputation and in 1927 he was sent back to Jamaica for Mail Fraud. Firclough goes to great lengths to depict the movement as a global mass movement, revealing its worldwide expansion. The British Empire regarded the movement as a challenge to their established order in their own territories. Chapter 7, "The Radical Thirties," aims to capture the wave of radicalism that engulfed America during the Great Depression of the 1930s.

The chapter discusses the increasing tensions and the emergence of communism as a solution for addressing social and economic issues. Fircough credits the Scottsboro affair for fueling the popularity of communism as a platform for achieving justice, highlighting its ability to fight for causes and support the black community. Additionally, he mentions the growing divide between the NAACP and Communist party during this time, further emphasizing the fragmentation within the black population's movement.

The author views the Communist Party as a possible catalyst for change amidst economic struggles faced by white and black Americans. They contend that while the NAACP primarily prioritized civil rights, it failed to adequately address the nation's economic distress. This created an opening for the communist movement to step in and champion improvement of working class conditions. During the 1930s, black Americans actively participated in mass actions through labor unions.

The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters demonstrated one of the most influential instances of autonomous action, as highlighted by Fairclough. In 1935, the BSCP successfully signed a contract with the Pullman Company, despite their strong anti-union stance, ultimately securing significant benefits for their members. Under the guidance of Phillip Randolph, the BSCP

achieved a remarkable and triumphant outcome after a protracted negotiating process. This achievement represented a crucial milestone in the American labor movement, as the BSCP became the first Black organization to receive recognition from the movement.

The victory of the formation of the National Negro Congress and their attempted Mass March on Washington in 1941 resulted in the executive order 8802, which aimed to eliminate discrimination against blacks in defense industries and government agencies. This order represented a commitment to racial equality by the United States government. However, by 1945, the radicalism associated with communist ideology had waned, and the Cold War actions led to McCarthyism.

Eliminating communist ideology as a viable option for change is discussed in Chapter 8, which focuses on the struggles faced by black individuals in the southern region between 1919 and 1942. The fight for racial equality during this time period can be examined through various means, including protest, legal battles, and nonviolent advancements. In the segregated south, where white supremacy was prevalent until around 1950, black individuals rarely challenged white authority without experiencing brutal and indiscriminate violence in response. However, Fairclough outlines methods employed by black individuals to ensure their survival within the confines of white supremacy.

He describes how African Americans sought freedom by organizing under the banner of Racial Uplift. Despite facing segregation, they established parallel institutions. However, Racial Uplift resulted in progress but also setbacks, as they employed indirect tactics and focused on short-term improvements within their segregated communities. Women played a crucial role in bridging racial divides, being perceived as less threatening than men and coordinating efforts with white women to advocate for reform.

In 1920, a special meeting

took place in Memphis. It involved the women's arm of the Commission on Interracial Cooperation and the women's missionary council of the Methodist church. This meeting served as a significant moment in the interracial movement as it symbolized the concept of cooperation, despite its failure to establish a specific program. While it did not result in any immediate action, it embodied an ideal. Then, in 1930, a group of 26 women launched a highly impactful campaign against racial discrimination.

The Associating of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching was able to secure 1,355 pledges by white policemen and sheriffs to protect the rights of prisoners by 1941. According to Friclough, interracial cooperative movements were seen as a poor substitute for political action as they were perceived as institutions focused on preserving the status quo rather than effecting change. Friclough argues that the CIC needed to compromise in order to appease southern whites, highlighting a fundamental contradiction within the interracial cooperation movement.

Education exposed the uncertainties surrounding the effort to improve schools. The education system was particularly challenging for African Americans and black southerners because the success of the reconstruction program relied on financial support from white philanthropists for many educational institutions. Despite advancements and enhancements in education, it was compromised by increased control from southern white bureaucrats. Nonetheless, education was recognized for its potential to empower and fortify the African American civil rights movement. Black schools and colleges played a crucial role in promoting political awareness through literacy instruction.

Education sparked self-worth, ambition, and a longing for freedom. Chapter 9, titled "The Naaco's Challenge to White Supremacy, 1935-45," explores Fairclough's argument that, despite the dominance of white

supremacy in the deep South, certain black individuals protested against Jim Crow laws. They employed both subtle and overt resistance against racial discrimination. Fairclough attributes the emergence of the early civil rights movement to the expansion of the NAACP as a large-scale organization.

Many critics of the NAACP believed that it was primarily made up of upper and middle-class individuals who were not in touch with the common people. However, Fairclough's skillful articles argued that this was necessary, as the leaders of the organization needed to be financially independent from white individuals in order to effectively further the movement's cause. The NAACP's growth was credited to the increasing presence of labor unions and their integration into the organization. By 1946, there were over 500,000 members, many of whom had already been involved in vocal protests through their respective unions.

Firclough argues that the employment brought by the second world war transformed the pacific coast into an economic powerhouse, and also led to black Americans advocating for equal citizenship. However, white America's attitudes remained rigid. Despite the job opportunities created by the war, equality was not achieved. While the executive order of 1941 was seen as a significant victory similar to the civil emancipation, the establishment of the Fair Employment Practice Committee, which was issued under the order, faced opposition from racial America. This highlights the prevailing racial tensions during the 1940s.

According to Fairclough, the tension discussed was not limited to employment practices and industries alone; it also extended to the military. Despite America's portrayal of equality during the War, the military remained highly divided. This division resulted in tension and violence within the ranks. The issue of

segregation became more pronounced during the war, magnified by wartime pressure. Incidents of violence were pervasive, according to Fairclough.