Cuba: Crimes Against Human Rights Essay Example

when it played a pioneering role in introducing new technologies globally through various businesses. Presently, Cuba has two national TV channels and one international channel along with eight regional channels.

However, households in Cuba have outdated television sets due to discontinued trade with Eastern Europe resulting in shortages of parts and TVs themselves. As a result, Cuba is no longer at the forefront of technological advancements.The economic blockade has had a significant impact on media production in the country, leading to a reliance on old transmitters and nearly obsolete analog technologies that need to be replaced. Concerns have arisen about the future of radio and television archives due to irreparable losses caused by a lack of air-conditioning and increased humidity. In addition, producers are now re-recording over previously used tapes because audio and videocassettes are becoming scarce.

Print media has been hit particularly hard by the economic crisis, with daily publications of magazines and periodicals decreasing significantly. This decline is mainly attributed to their heavy dependence on imported newsprint and other supplies from the former Soviet Union (39). There were more than twice as many weekly published daily newspapers in 1989 compared to 1994. Approximately 300 journalists employed in print media lost their jobs as a result of the crisis, accounting for around 10% of all journalists on the island.

Currently, Cuba has three national newspapers in circulation: Granma, Trabajadores, and Juventud Rebelde. Granma serves as the official newspaper of the Cuban Communist Party's Central Committee and is recognized as the country's newspaper of record. Trabajadores represents the National Workers Confederation while Juventud Rebelde is the newspaper for the Youth Organization.In addition, Cuba has two news agencies. El

Agencia de Informacion Nacional (AIN) operates news desks in various provinces and provides a popular radio service for provincial and municipal radio stations. On the other hand, Presna Latina has reporters stationed globally in different locations.

Despite the economic limitations and lack of hardware in Cuba, the media has managed to access the internet. However, accessing the internet is not an easy task due to outdated infrastructure, especially in telecommunications. Only those approved by the government are allowed access through the country's sole internet service provider, CENAI. Furthermore, most incoming information is heavily censored by the government. Limited economic resources have hindered widespread internet access, as the average Cuban earns around 110 pesos per month (approximately $5.00). A connection to the World Wide Web costs about $260.00 per month, while email accounts cost $67.00 per month.

Currently, Granma, Trabajadores, and Juventud Rebelde offer electronic editions of their daily publications. Radio stations such as Radio Havana Cuba and Radio Reloj have also made their debuts on the internet. Radio Havana Cuba's website (www.radiohc.org) provides daily transcripts of Cuba-related stories in Spanish, English, French, and Portuguese. Likewise, Radio Reloj's website (www.cubaweb.cu) features news stories alongside cultural and sports specials. Additionally, Radio Rebelde has a website accessible at www.ceniai.cu.

The small media warfare between the US and Cuba is an important aspect to consider when discussing media in Cuba. On May 19, 1984, during the Reagan administration, Radio Marti was launched. This uncensored news source provided 24-hour coverage of Cuba and US relations. Radio Marti broadcasted over 1500 hours of anti-Castro propaganda through three frequencies and seven radio stations, using short-wave radio signals to directly reach the island. TV Marti was

subsequently established as a result of Radio Marti's influence.

TV Marti, which was established during the Bush administration with a budget of 9.6 million dollars and named after Cuban patriot Jose Marti, has faced difficulties in being accessed due to successful jamming by the Cuban government. This television service is unique in that its target audience has never seen it. Only high-ranking officials who have access to satellites and some black-market videotapes have managed to obtain TV Marti. From the beginning, it encountered technological challenges as operating from a floating transmitter made it more vulnerable to Cuban government jamming compared to short-wave radio.

To disrupt the signal of TV Marti, Cuban officials implemented a tactic of transmitting their own programs on the same channel. This strategy of jamming American radio and television signals has proven highly effective for the Castor regime both politically and economically (Bayer 541). The success of American radio stations relies heavily on attracting large audiences, so by reducing potential listeners through jamming US stations, Castor may be inflicting significant financial damage on the American radio broadcast industry where it matters most.

Despite Cuba's interference with American signals, military action against Cuba was not taken by the United States. Instead, President Clinton's administration opted for implementing a six-tiered plan consisting of political and economic sanctions against Cuba.Increased support for Radio Marti to counter Cuban government interference and allocating an additional two million dollars to improve reception of US government broadcasts in Cuba demonstrate the United States' view of radio broadcasts as a necessary and effective tool in its fight against communism. The US also sought international condemnation of Cuba's actions through the United Nations, suggesting

that future negotiations on contentious political issues will likely involve an international regulatory body like the United Nations. While the resolution to the ongoing "radio war" in the Caribbean remains uncertain, significant progress towards establishing free communications between the United States and Cuba may be witnessed with the impending fall of the Castro regime. Currently, there is an ongoing war over airwaves involving Cuba, the United States, and other nations worldwide. The text emphasizes that mutuality in international broadcasting and relations is important and necessary, citing Article 53 of the Cuban Constitution which recognizes freedom of speech and press for citizens within a socialist society but states that mass media cannot be privately owned as it belongs to the state or society.In Cuba, the media outlets are meant to serve working people and society as a whole. However, these freedoms are regulated by law in this totalitarian state under Communist rule since Fidel Castro's leadership began in 1959. Before taking power, Castro gained popularity for fighting against Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista and proposing policies based on the Cuban Constitution of 1940. These policies included early elections, economic diversification, and moderate social and political reform. Unfortunately, Castro's true extremist nature soon became apparent as he radically transformed Cuba against his promises to its citizens.

Under his rule, Cuba adopted a Marxist-Leninist system characterized by repression. Castro focused on consolidating his power while promoting extreme Cuban nationalism with historical significance. This shift towards communism resulted in the elimination of democracy and restrictions on freedom of expression, opinion, press, association, and assembly within the country.

Cuba's media landscape reflects this oppressive regime as only the perspective endorsed by the government

is accepted. Official journalists lack autonomy in choosing their stories or expressing personal opinions. This absence of press freedom prevents diverse political views from being expressed – views that are essential for a democratic system to flourish.

Instead of serving as platforms for free expression, radio broadcasts, television programs, and print media are used as tools to impose ideological narratives determined by those in power.These mediums function as a means of transmitting messages from high-ranking leaders to both local communities and those in-between.

The limited coverage of debates among high-level officials and minimal self-criticism in Cuba's main newspapers is a result of the government's control. The press primarily focuses on conveying grassroots grievances to those in power, without challenging the prevailing regime or holding upper-level government officials accountable for political matters. The Castro regime strongly opposes independent journalism and labels Cuba's small group of independent reporters as defamatory individuals broadcasting against Cuba from Miami. In contrast, the government calls for a "truly free" press that supports socialist ideals and the revolution for future generations of Cubans. Despite this opposition, three independent news agencies still exist in Cuba: Havana Press, Cuba Press, and Cuban Independent Journalists Bureau. Many journalists who used to work for government media were dismissed due to their "ideological incompatibility." They now seek freelance opportunities with foreign news organizations to establish an independent livelihood separate from state-controlled media and distant from domestic and international dissident factions.In Cuba, being an independent journalist is considered illegal and can result in intimidation, detainment, and harassment by mass organizations, security forces, and courts controlled by the Cuban government. These journalists face numerous challenges including travel restrictions, arbitrary detentions, confiscation

of materials and equipment, and threats of imprisonment. The regime maintains strict control over all published content and limits internet access. Basic tools such as computers, fax machines, paper, typewriters, pens, and pencils are lacking for journalists. Possessing unregistered typewriters or photocopiers can lead to imprisonment. Phone calls are monitored and frequently interrupted. Articles are typically relayed through European contacts or agencies in Mexico or Miami. Government regulations prohibit criticism of the revolution or its leaders with penalties ranging from three months to one year in prison for antigovernment propaganda or insults against officials. Criticizing President Castro carries a sentence of up to three years' imprisonment for members of the National Assembly or Council of State. The Law of National Dignity passed in December 1997 imposes imprisonment ranging from three to ten years on individuals collaborating with enemy media specifically targeting independent agencies that distribute their content internationally.
On April 26, 1996, the Cuban Independent Journalists Bureau (BPIC) had their offices raided by nine Cuban security members. After a four-hour search, the authorities seized their equipment and files. According to Joaquin Torres from the Havana Press independent news agency, this incident serves as a constant reminder of the authorities' ability to silence them at will.

Nstor Baguer, President of the Independent Press Agency (APIC), was severely injured on March 2, 1995 by an unknown assailant. As confirmed by the US State Department, he suffered a fractured wrist and multiple hematomas. On July 11, 1995, members of the State Security force searched his residence and confiscated his fax machine while disconnecting his phone service.

In response to these events, Nstor Baguer filed a complaint with Plaza Municipal Court in

order to retrieve his confiscated belongings. However, the court clerk refused to accept the document due to lack of legal grounds.

It is important to note that Castro's regime imposes penalties ranging from one month to three years imprisonment for laws against antigovernment propaganda and disrespectful graffiti towards government officials. Expressing opposition to the Government or distributing enemy propaganda can result in sentences up to fourteen years.Both residents and foreign correspondents have faced increased government pressure, including official and informal complaints about their articles, threatening phone calls, and limited access to officials. The government views materials like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international reports on human rights violations, and mainstream foreign newspapers and magazines as enemy propaganda. Local city officials also hinder freedom of speech by monitoring and reporting dissent or criticism. Police and state security officials frequently harass human rights advocates to intimidate them. In one specific case in Holguin, independent journalist Mario Gonzalez Castellanos received a 2 1/2-year sentence in Cuba Si prison for displaying disrespect towards Fidel Castro while working as a Cuba Press correspondent. Moreover, the Cuban Constitution includes the concept of "dangerousness," which refers to an individual's inclination to commit crimes based on behavior that contradicts socialist norms. If someone is considered dangerous, law enforcement can bring them before a court or subject them to "therapy" or "political reeducation." Instances have been reported where these laws have been enforced on citizens.In January 1999, Jesus Joel Diaz Hernandez, the Director of the Cooperative of Independent Journalists and a human rights advocate, was convicted of dangerousness and given a four-year prison sentence by a court in Moron province. According to Human Rights

Watch, Diaz was accused of associating with criminals and disrupting public order. It is important to note that his trial occurred just one day after his arrest, denying him proper legal representation.

Similarly, Lorenzo Paez Nunes, an independent journalist, was arrested in July 1997 and subsequently sentenced to 18 months in prison. Hector Peraza also faced consequences when he received a computer from a visitor; he was arrested in July and held for two months starting from the next day according to his family's account.

When attempts to pressure independent journalists into stopping their work or leaving Cuba failed, state security agents resorted to harassing their family members. On July 17, 1999, a police officer threatened Merino Cabrera, who was a member of the Human Rights Workers' Party. The officer warned him against continuing his activities and cautioned that he could be arrested for dangerousness. A few days later on July 27th,Cabrera found a cardboard coffin at his doorstep with the words "Rest in Peace" written on it.In Cuba, participating in non-violent activities such as discussing the economy or elections, writing to the government, reporting on political or economic developments, or advocating for political prisoners is considered a criminal offense by authorities. Independent journalists and other peaceful individuals who express their opinions are persistently imprisoned by Cuban courts. The Cuban law firmly establishes this violation of basic human rights, paying little attention to the ongoing struggles faced by the Cuban people. Despite the risks and dangers involved, brave independent journalists in Cuba courageously risk their lives to make their voices heard. While they are regarded as enemies by the Cuban government, they are esteemed worldwide as heroes

with honorable intentions.

Currently detained in La Caoaba prison, a writer pens a letter seeking help and calling for freedom. This letter holds significance not only for themselves but also for others who suffer and remain imprisoned while striving to amplify the voices of Cubans longing for liberty despite potential consequences – even potential demise. The writer admits feeling guilty for speaking out against an oppressive regime and demanding a government elected by the people, private property rights, individual prosperity, and protection of Cuba's resources. They express anguish witnessing their fellow citizens enduring daily hardships caused by a government that prioritizes its own power and foreign interests over the well-being of its people.Lawyer Juan Carlos Castillo Pasto, currently serving an 8-year sentence at La Caoba prison in Santiago de Cuba, expresses deep sorrow over being sanctioned, banished, and denied the opportunity to see loved ones or receive aid and medical assistance. In addition to these hardships, they also face limitations on religious services while residing alongside ordinary prisoners who are encouraged to harm them. The writer earnestly implores both readers and God for help in addressing this distressing situation. Lourdes Arriete has translated this text for CubaNet.

Yvonne M. Conde's article "Independent Cuban Press Seeks Access to the Outside World" in The Fourth Estate, published on January 27, 1996 (http://vweb.hwwilsonweb.com/cgi-bin/webspirs.cgi), discusses how the independent press in Cuba is striving to gain access to the outside world. Information about CubaNet can be found at http://ella.netpoint.net/cubanet/CNews/jul96/15e2.html. In June 1999, Human Rights Watch conducted a study titled "CUBA REPRESSIVE MACHINERY: HUMAN RIGHTS 40 YEARS AFTER THE REVOLUTION," which offers insights into the human rights situation in Cuba and is published

by Human Rights Watch in New York. David Lipsschultz's article "The Web Washes over Cuba, but Surfers Still Few Econmic hardship and a government wary of information flow hinder Internet's growth," published in the Christian Science Monitor on July 9, 1997 in Boston, Massachusetts, discusses how economic hardship and a government wary of information flow are hindering the growth of the internet in Cuba. Carla Anne Robbins sheds light on how TV Mart struggles to reach Cuban viewers due to interference from the Castro regime in her article "Our Jam in Havana: This US Staion Doesn't rate in CubaCastro's Interference Keeps TV Mart Off of Screens" published in The WallStreet Journal on November 25, 1997.In his book "CUBAN REVOLUTION: 30 YEARS LATER," published by Westview Press in London in 1984, Hugh S. Thomas offers a retrospective analysis of the Cuban Revolution thirty years after it took place.

The United States State Department offers details about Human Rights in Cuba, which can be accessed at http://state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1997.

Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Bayer, Stephen D., The Legal Aspects of TV Mart in Relation to the Law of Direct Broadcasting Satellites, EMORY 1992.

2. Conde, Yvonne M. "Independent Cuban Press Seeks Access to the Outside World." The Fourth Estate. V129. P48+. January 27, 1996. Source: http://vweb.hwwilsonweb.com/cgi-bin/webspirs.cgi

3. CubaNet source: http://ella.netpoint.net/cubanet/CNews/jul96/15e2.html

4. Human Rights Watch. CUBA REPRESSIVE MACHINERY: HUMAN RIGHTS 40 YEARS AFTER THE REVOLUTION. Human rights Watch, New York. June 1999

5. Lipsschultz, David. "The Web Washes over Cuba, but Surfers Still Few Econmic hardship and a government wary of information flow hinder Internet's growth." Christian Science Monitor, Boston, Mass. 9 July, 1997

6. Robbins, Carla Anne. "Our Jam in Havana: This US Staion Doesn't rate in CubaCastro's

Interference Keeps TV Mart Off of Screens." The WallStreet Journal 25, Nov. 1997

7. Thomas Hugh S. CUBAN REVOLUTION: 30 YEARS LATER. Westview Press. London 1984.

8. The source of information on human rights in Cuba is the United States State Department. The website where this information can be found is http://state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1997.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Bayer, Stephen D., The Legal Aspects of TV Mart in Relation to the Law of Direct Broadcasting Satellites, EMORY 1992.

2. Conde, Yvonne M. "Independent Cuban Press Seeks Access to the Outside World."The Fourth Estate. V129. P48+. January 27, 1996. http://vweb.hwwilsonweb.com/cgi-bin/webspirs.cgi

3. CubaNet. http://ella.netpoint.net/cubanet/CNews/jul96/15e2.html

4. Human Rights Watch. "CUBA REPRESSIVE MACHINERY: HUMAN RIGHTS 40 YEARS AFTER THE REVOLUTION." Human Rights Watch, New York. June 1999

5. Lipsschultz, David. "The Web Washes over Cuba, but Surfers Still Few Econmic hardship and a government wary of information flow hinder Internet's growth." Christian Science Monitor, Boston, Mass., July 9, 1997

6. Robbins, Carla Anne. "Our Jam in Havana: This US Staion Doesn't rate in CubaCastro's Interference Keeps TV Mart Off of Screens." The WallStreet Journal November 25, Nov.,1997

7.Thomas Hugh S.CUBAN REVOLUTION:30 YEARS LATER.Westview Press,London1984.

8. The United States State Department provides information about human rights in Cuba. The source can be found at http://state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1997.