Creativity In Limited Facilities In Informal Settlement Essay Example
Creativity In Limited Facilities In Informal Settlement Essay Example

Creativity In Limited Facilities In Informal Settlement Essay Example

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  • Pages: 12 (3165 words)
  • Published: April 8, 2017
  • Type: Research Paper
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Abstract

The squatter settlements or informal settlements are a common occurrence in many developing-country cities. These settlements typically develop near the city center, and their residents primarily work in informal sectors.

The United Nations and the government of Indonesia are taking action to address the problem of informal settlements and slum areas in various countries. The Millennium Development Goals have been declared by the United Nations as a means to eliminate these settlements globally. In line with this, Indonesia's government is implementing strategies aimed at reducing the growth of informal settlements within its cities. Many local governments and private institutions in Indonesia opt to demolish these settlements due to their perceived negative impact on the cities' reputation.

Besides the difficult conditions in informal settlements, there are positive aspects that can be noticed if one views these sett

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lements without preconceived negative notions. These positive aspects highlight the creative efforts of the inhabitants to cope with their limited housing options. Many argue that the architectural and spatial creations by the poor in informal settlements can be seen as marginalized architecture in cities, as they are often overlooked or disregarded by those who do not live in these settlements or belong to higher income classes. In informal settlements, residents display their resourcefulness in improving the surrounding built environment and organizing open spaces and housing constructions, despite being considered illegal by the government.

To shift our perspective on the poor from being a problem to being a solution, it is essential to have a sincere and noble intention. Appreciating the activities and creativity of those living in poverty can be challenging. However, if residents take the initiative to improve their environment and living

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conditions, they can effectively sustain development in informal settlements. Key Words: Creativity, Marginalized Architecture, Informal settlements.

I. Introduction

Global efforts are currently focused on addressing world poverty, starvation, lack of education, gender inequality, and health issues like AIDS as part of the Millennium Development Goals. These challenges primarily affect slum areas and squatter settlements in developing countries' cities.

(United Nations, 2006) The worst environmental quality within the city is primarily found in slum areas and squatter settlements. This has led many individuals, including government officials and private institutions, to view these areas as the city's garbage, tarnishing its image. As a result, numerous urban planners and designers have taken it upon themselves to transform these slum areas and squatter settlements into aesthetically pleasing spaces based on their own understanding.

According to varying definitions in different countries, a squatter settlement or informal settlement is a residential area in an urban locality where very poor individuals, who lack their own tenured land, occupy vacant land, whether it be private or public. This is the case in numerous big cities in Indonesia, as with other developing countries. Residents of these settlements do not possess a legal land certificate or building permission for their houses, yet many still pay retribution to the local government for their residence. As a result, they dispute any claims made by the government or other organizations that they are squatting on vacant areas within the cities, since the local government is aware that the poor and their informal settlements are present throughout various parts of the city (Srinivas, 2008).

In informal housing areas, individuals in low-income brackets construct their homes initially using basic materials like cardboard, plastic, bamboo, or

wood. Over time, these housing areas expand organically. Due to the substandard environmental conditions in these areas, the government initiates efforts to revitalize the riverbanks, often resulting in the removal of spontaneous settlements and relocation of the residents to alternative areas. In some cases, if individuals refuse to relocate, the government resorts to demolishing or burning down the settlements.

(ACHS, 203) The inability to afford government or private developed houses leads people to construct informal huts in vacant areas. However, demolishing these settlements does not resolve the issue; instead, it encourages the proliferation of informal settlements elsewhere. In these spontaneous housing areas, the poor face challenges such as limited infrastructure, inadequate access to main roads, poor environmental conditions, and a lack of playgrounds for children. Consequently, they must rely on resourcefulness in making use of the available physical facilities within these housing areas.

In addition, the close relationships among the inhabitants foster a sense of community, resulting in mutual assistance during times of trouble. The spontaneous housing areas possess unique physical attributes as individuals construct their homes and surroundings without a predetermined plan, adapting to their needs and capabilities. This symbiotic relationship between the residents' development and the limited available resources gives rise to distinctive features. Consequently, numerous captivating spaces are created organically and utilized extensively by the community. Because those living in informal settlements often face marginalization from urban citizens, the architectural and spatial forms produced by the inhabitants in such areas are known as Marginalized Architecture.

II. Basic Theories

Poor people display remarkable resourcefulness in the development of their residential areas and in organizing the construction of housing and open spaces, despite being deemed illegal by the

government (Hardoy, 1989). This statement can be comprehended as individuals facing adverse circumstances in their lives tend to exhibit their resilience, confronting challenges with their creativity. The residents of informal settlements possess limited resources and the unfavorable conditions they face compel them to employ innovative approaches in tackling their predicaments.

Typically, the government considers the creative actions of residents as illegal. The Indonesian government is also attentive to the needs of impoverished individuals living in both rural and urban areas. As those living in urban areas often reside in informal settlements, the government endeavors to provide assistance by building numerous homes for the poor. This help is provided in accordance with established regulations, specifically targeting the development of informal settlements located within city centers.

The government's attention to protecting the poor, needy, and neglected children can be seen in various Indonesian laws and regulations, including the Indonesian Constitution 1945 (UUD 1945), governmental regulations, and district regulations implemented nationwide. The constitution's Section 34 explicitly states that the government will protect these vulnerable groups. Additionally, the amendment to the constitution in 2000 (Sections 28A to 28J) emphasizes the protection of human basic rights as a foundation for creating other government regulations (MPR – RI, 2000).
Observations of various informal housing areas in four cities reveal that problems arise when local governments view informal settlements as a negative image of the city that should be eradicated. However, many of these informal settlements have been established for over 15 years and have even developed into second-generation communities.

The roots of the community are deeply connected to the settlement area, both socio-culturally and economically, as well as psychologically. However, the local government's decision

to eliminate the settlement is driven by their desire to improve the area's aesthetic appeal based on city planners' and government officials' standards. This decision indirectly promotes the emergence of new informal settlements in other parts of the city. Marginalized individuals who cannot afford formal housing are compelled to search for vacant spaces in the city center where they can construct makeshift homes. Due to their impoverished state, these individuals living in informal settlements face significant challenges when it comes to accessing formal housing or saving for a better future. Consequently, inhabiting a piece of land without having to buy or pay rent becomes their only viable option (UNHCS, 1996).

That is the reason why many impoverished individuals reside in unoccupied areas within cities, which have not been utilized by the government or private institutions. These vacant areas lack adequate infrastructure facilities, but the resourceful grassroots individuals can strive for survival. Since they inhabit informal settlements with minimal infrastructure, they must utilize the facilities within these settlements effectively. Consequently, their methods, strategies, designs, and construction materials often align better with local needs, incomes, climate conditions, and available resources compared to the official standards mandated by governments (Hardoy, 1990). In informal settlements, spatial form can be observed through public open spaces and pathways where numerous people engage in their daily activities. Once the spatial forms and inhabitants' activities are identified, it becomes imperative to select several active open spaces within informal settlements and utilize them as a reference for the urban revitalization program's plan.

The active open space is chosen because it serves as a hub for human activities in the settlements. The connections between the available open

spaces should be regarded as a secondary pattern of the settlements, as the main pattern follows the linear flow of the river. Subsequently, the houses built along these pathways should be gradually improved through individual self-help development strategies (Ribbeck, 2002). In 1970, the situation of informal settlements in Nezahualcoyoti showed the invasion of Mexico City into vacant areas that varied in topography, from flat areas resembling beaches to steep mountainous regions. By 1997, informal settlements in Nezahualcoyoti had developed further. Similarly, informal settlements in Jalalpa experienced changes between 1970 and 1997 (Figure 1). These informal settlements in Mexico City were developed using a land consolidation strategy, with housing development implemented through self-help methods. Understanding the activities of the impoverished within these architectural spaces proves highly valuable in formulating a development strategy that aligns with the inhabitants' characteristics.

By focusing on the economic conditions of low-income individuals residing in informal settlements, it becomes evident that they are diligent and determined workers who strive to meet the basic needs of their families (Nierman, 2005). Both husbands and wives contribute to their household income, demonstrating their strong dependence on the city center for daily earnings. III. Experiencing the Informal Settlements Despite the diverse socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds of informal settlement residents, they share similar characteristics when it comes to navigating social life in these communities. One common trait is their membership in the low-income class and lack of legal documentation for the land on which they have informally constructed their homes.

The other characteristics of the residents in informal settlements can be identified as follows:

They use the public open spaces within the settlements extensively, taking turns or "time sharing" from

early morning until evening.

The poor in informal settlements are hard workers and their efforts to earn a small income for their entire family are solely for survival.

Their focus is not on prioritizing a sustainable environment in their lives, as they currently prioritize earning money through informal sectors to provide food for their families.

The social relationships among the residents are very strong, expressed through a sense of unity, respect for each individual or family, and willingness to help one another when needed.

Based on research observations in various informal settlements along riverbanks, there are several similar physical characteristics that can be identified.

These characters can be explained with the following categories:

The Common Characters of Informal Settlements > The density of housing areas in informal settlements is very high. > The location of informal settlements is hidden by the houses or shop-houses developed formally. > In the case of informal settlements along the Wonokromo riverbanks in Surabaya, the bad situation of such settlements on the back of the house is camouflaged by good performances of the front facade which are facing the street. > The front facade and the back facade of the house in informal settlements especially those developed along riverbanks are very different. View of the shop-houses from Street Which Cover Informal Houses Behind View of Informal Houses Seen from other Side of Babura River - Medan Figure 2.

The Different View of Built Up Areas Between Buildings along the Street and along the Babura Riverbanks – Medan b. Infrastructure Facilities in Informal Settlements > Almost all families in Informal Settlements have electricity in their house. > Clean water facilities used by the inhabitants are public wells

and water spring available on the riverbank. Few families use the clean water tap provided by the local government. Lighting on the Kampung main street which also stimulate the social Small mosque (Moshola) on the Chode riverbank as a social infrastructure facility which stimulate the social relationship among the inhabitants Open and closed drainage from the city which flows through the informal settlements to the Chode river Public well and natural spring on the Chode riverbank as clean water facilities in which the inhabitant carry out their social Figure 5. Social and Technical Infrastructure Facilities within the Informal Settlements along the Chode Riverbanks in Yogyakarta gt; Since within the settlements there is no adequate drainage, the waste water produced by every family is thrown directly to the river without any treatments.

Social infrastructure facilities, including the guarding post, small mosque (mushola), informal small playground, inadequate sport facilities, small kiosks, etc., are always available in settlements to stimulate social interactions among the inhabitants. The pattern of circulation within informal settlements usually follows a linear flow along the river or street. In steep areas, the circulation pattern is perpendicular to the river or street. For example, in the city of Malang, the main Kampung street is perpendicular to the Brantas river. In Medan, the pattern of circulation follows the flow of the Babura River. Along this riverbank, there are houses on both sides of the main circulation. These houses are non-permanent structures developed along the Babura Riverbanks in Medan (see Figure 4).

The Pattern of Informal Settlements that develop along the Brantas riverbank in Malang and Babura Riverbank in Medan indicate that if the main circulation

is located in the middle of the housing areas, the front facade that faces the street performs better compared to the back. However, if the housing is developed along the riverbanks, the residents tend to dispose of their waste directly into the river. The secondary circulations within these settlements do not follow a specific pattern as they are developed spontaneously, following the housing area's pattern. As a result, there are numerous small streets, paths, or alleys commonly known as mouse paths (jalan tikus) which serve as alternative circulation routes to the main street.
IV.

The various terms used by housing experts to describe squatter settlements include shanty town, unauthorized settlements, unplanned housing areas, uncontrolled settlements, barriadas, favela, gecekondo, barong-barong, and more (Herrle, 1981). While slum areas and squatter settlements have a similar meaning as housing areas occupied by low-income individuals, the distinction lies in the fact that slum areas have legal land certificates for their residents, whereas squatter settlements do not (UNCHS, 1982). These informal or squatter settlements are predominantly occupied by grassroots and low-income individuals who are often considered to be one of the contributing factors to the degradation of urban quality.

The poor living in informal settlements face marginalization by city residents, which is also referred to as Marginalized Architecture. The inhabitants of Kampong Petisah in Medan constructed a bamboo guarding post that is heavily utilized. Similarly, in Surabaya along the Brantas riverbank, the poor living in informal settlements exhibit creativity in green architecture. Along the Chode river in Yogyakarta, children and youth make use of a small informal sport facility. Hardoy, in his book "Squatter Settlement," states that despite being labeled as illegal by

the government, the poor demonstrate great ingenuity in developing residential neighborhoods and constructing housing. Their methods, plans, designs, and building materials are often better suited to local needs, incomes, climatic conditions, and resources compared to the official standards required by governments (see Figure 4).In the article written by Cody in the 1989 Journal 'Habitat Debate', it is suggested that by considering the poor as partners rather than problems, urban environmental management can become more responsive and sustainable. This approach would allow for community responsibility, accountability, and development to be transferred back to the community itself.

According to Cody (1996), it requires a significant change in thinking and expectation to view the poor not as a problem, but as a solution. This shift in perspective can result in a society that is more equitable and sustainable. It benefits not only the urban environment, but also every section of urban society. Cody's statement highlights the positive aspects of marginalized architecture created by the poor in informal settlements. Below is an overview of the architectural and spatial form found in informal settlements, such as the houses in Kampung Kubur in Medan:

a. Architectural Form of Houses in Informal Settlements > The houses built by the inhabitants possess non-permanent or semi-permanent qualities. While some houses may have permanent qualities, the building materials used are of low quality.

Informal Housing Areas in Kampung Kubur in Medan Figure 6.

Roof Form of Houses in Informal Settlements Developed along the Babura Riverbanks in the City of Medan.
Houses developed a little bit far from the river are built with simple raised platform constructions.
The roof forms of the house are dominated by the Javanese roof types called "Panggang

Pe" and Kampong.
The people use cement construction for the floor material in their house, but many of them still use soil floor without any finishing for their house.
All houses are equipped with various sizes of windows and mostly have ventilation above for maintaining air cross ventilation in the house.

b. In informal settlements, public open spaces are scarce, so some residents utilize the Kampong streets or pathways for socializing. There is no defined structure for public open spaces in these settlements as they are created from unused spaces that haven't been used for house expansions.

Generally, public open spaces that are surrounded by multiple houses are frequently utilized by people for their social interactions. If these open spaces include social or technical infrastructure facilities such as public wells, kiosks, water taps, etc., the residents primarily utilize the open spaces to maintain their social relationships. In conclusion, listening to the community can enhance understanding of the socio-cultural aspects of the people and provide valuable insights for the development of their settlement.

Indigenous individuals exhibit immense creativity in designing their residential communities and in organizing the layout of open spaces and housing construction. As a result, their methods, plans, designs, and building materials often align more effectively with local requirements, economic capacities, climate conditions, and available resources compared to the government's mandated official standards. It is advisable to engage the residents in the development process when improving informal settlements. The future city is largely expected to be funded, constructed, and molded by low-income individuals such as garbage collectors or scavengers.

According to Hardoy et al. (1990), the city heavily relies on the cheap labor, goods, and services provided by various individuals

such as shoemakers, peddlers, clothing and food manufacturers, craftsmen, maids, factory workers with low wages, shoe shiners, and market sellers. However, these people are marginalized from the legal land and housing markets, legal health services, and often face exclusion from legal water and transportation markets.

p. 232) It is crucial to convert the demolition programs in Indonesia into up-grading programs, taking into account the captivating marginalized architecture crafted by the impoverished in informal settlements. Inhabitants possess deeper insights into their settlements, including their daily activities, compared to those who do not live in informal settlements. Therefore, the poor should be engaged in all stages of development planning for their settlements. Total participation is highly suitable for the development program in informal settlements.

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