Bali Essay Example

and negative effects on the economy, people, and environment of the island. He specifically highlighted the importance of converting productive land for tourism and business purposes as a key concern in Bali.

According to him, the land conversion is occurring at a faster pace than anticipated. He expressed dissatisfaction, stating that the rapid development of hotels, villas, and other properties has consumed our rice fields, plantations, green spaces, and coastal regions. The conversion of land is also happening to accommodate the growing residential areas due to the island's population skyrocketing to nearly 4 million people. Additionally, the conversion of land has impacted the prices in nearby areas, leading to an increase in land and property taxes, he further stated.

According to Subhiksu, farmers and low-income families living in those areas had to pay higher land and property taxes, which was deemed unfair. For instance, farmers residing in Kerobokan, Canggu, and Jimbaran were required to pay the same amount of taxes as residents living in the luxurious residences in these now-elite areas of Bali. To tightly control development activities on the island, the provincial administration has implemented various policies and regulations. As a result, 16 tourism zones have been designated: Nusa Dua, Kuta, Tuban, Sanur, Ubud, Lebih, Soka, Kalibukbuk, Batuampar, Candikusuma, Perancak, Nusa Penida, Candidasa, Ujung, Tulamben, and Air Sanih. Additionally, there are five special tourist destinations: Gilimanuk and Palasari in Jembrana, Tanah Lot in Tabanan, Pancasari in Buleleng, and Kintamani in Bangli.

According to Ida Bagus Subhiksu, head of Bali Tourism Agency, Bali should aim to minimize the negative impact of tourism. While the tourism sector has brought positive effects on the island's economy, people, and environment, it

has also resulted in negative consequences. One significant concern is the rapid conversion of productive land for tourism and business purposes, exceeding initial predictions. This accelerated development has led to the destruction of rice fields, plantations, green areas, and coastal regions.

The island's population is approaching 4 million people, resulting in the conversion of land for residential purposes. This has caused an increase in land and property taxes, impacting surrounding areas. Farmers and low-income families residing in these areas are unfairly burdened by higher taxes. For instance, farmers living in Kerobokan, Canggu, and Jimbaran must now pay the same amount of taxes as residents of luxurious homes in previously underdeveloped parts of Bali. The provincial administration has implemented several policies and regulations to manage development activities.

Subhiksu announced that there were 16 designated tourism zones in Bali, including Nusa Dua, Kuta, Tuban, Sanur, Ubud, Lebih, Soka, Kalibukbuk, Batuampar, Candikusuma, Perancak, Nusa Penida, Candidasa, Ujung, Tulamben, and Air Sanih. In addition, there are five special tourist destinations: Gilimanuk and Palasari in Jembrana, Tanah Lot in Tabanan, Pancasari in Buleleng, and Kintamani in Bangli.

However, Bagus Sudibya, a renowned tourism practitioner, expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of success of the moratorium on tourism development in southern Bali (Badung, Denpasar, and Gianyar). According to Sudibya, there has been no commitment from the government, investors, or other parties to adhere to the moratorium. Instead, construction of both small and large tourism accommodations continues to thrive.

Sudibya emphasized the need for the provincial and regional administrations, tourist industry, and local communities to collaborate and strongly commit to sustainable development for the benefit of Bali and its people. He also criticized the uneven distribution of

revenue generated by tourism taxes among all regencies in Bali.

Sudibya stated that Bali is responsible for more than 30% of Indonesia's tourism revenue. He stressed the importance of using this revenue to improve living conditions, safeguard the environment, and preserve the culture. The statement can be found at http://www.thejakartapost.

com/bali-daily/2013-07-02/bali-must-reduce-negative-impact-tourism. html Reading urban Bali: untold history, unwanted urbanism; Amanda Achmadi Keywords: Urban Bali, urban history, urban buut environments, urban development, Denpasar Abstract: This paper explores the sodo-spatial characteristics of urban Bali by examining the island's historical urban architectural landscape. It particularly focuses on Denpasar, the capital city of Bali, and analyzes the relationship between the formations of urban built environments and urban social dynamics. These dynamics, which have been unnoticed by tourists, are less influenced by the prevailing twentieth-century perception of Balinese otherness.

The paper examines studies and visual records of Denpasar in precolonial and colonial times to analyze the physical and social aspects of the city's urban environments. The paper concludes that despite evidence of long-standing urbanism in the city's urban form and architecture, twentieth-century colonial and orientalist discourses have marginalized urbanism in Denpasar. As a result, this urbanism has been abandoned in present-day Denpasar. Introduction: Locating urban Bali In a predominantly cultural tourism-driven island, discussions and studies on the built environment in Bali have focused on preserving traditional architecture as a response to perceived modernization threats. Accounts of indigenous communities and socio-political dynamics have primarily focused on rural Bali, where the pure form of indigenous built environment is believed to be preserved. Within this limited interpretation framework, historical and contemporary urban development has been neglected. Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs Journal, vol.

44, no.

In the year 2010, a study conducted by Achmadi found that environments outside of Bali's traditional villages, including the capital centers and administrative centers, have been largely overlooked. These urban areas have experienced significant changes throughout the twentieth century due to political history and the development of cultural tourism in Bali. Additionally, urban Bali is influenced by rapid population growth, internal migration, power struggles between traditional elites, and the emergence of new middle classes in urbanized contexts.

In the twenty-first century, Bau Island is becoming increasingly dominated by sprawl and an unplanned urban environment, which is sad for tourists and returning visitors who see it as evidence of 'a paradise lost' (The Age 2011). Rapid construction of shophouses, private housing estates, and workshops along the main streets of Denpasar and the island's regional arteries, as well as the conversion of rice fields to accommodate this development, are the main contributors to this urbanization. However, for Denpasar's indigenous communities and long-standing multi-ethnic migrants, urbanization is both despised and necessary. On one hand, it provides opportunities for higher education and alternative work options that are not available in rural areas (Parker 2000). Regional towns and cities are where locals can acquire modern skills and join the workforce in sectors outside of tourism, which has primarily benefited the southern parts of the island seen as exotic and iconic representations of 'real' Bali.

The text argues that locals in Bali are often seen as objects of tourism rather than active participants in the industry. This perception also views urbanization as a threat to traditional aspects of Bali that are important for tourism, with both perspectives considering urbanization as separate from

the "real" and traditional Bali. Factors such as population growth, rural-urban migration, and social mobility contribute to the rapid urbanization of the island. Throughout the twentieth century, urban areas have been marginalized and deemed not authentic to Bali's identity. Miguel Covarrubias' travel account in 1937 expresses his disappointment with Singaraja city and the colonial town of Denpasar.

According to the writer, in Den Pasar's famous 'alun-alun,' Dutch people can be seen playing tennis and drinking beer while young Baunese individuals play soccer in striped sweatshirts. The square is surrounded by the homes of prominent white residents, composed of tidy and middle-class small bungalows. The street that leads to the market is filled with equally dilapidated shops.

A small Chinese hotel and curio stalls with mass production 'Balinese art' are all owned by the same Chinese compradors and bearded Bombay merchants. After the initial shock of such distressing impressions, we began to truly discover the real Bali. We encountered typical mud walls of compounds, thatched gates protected by mysterious signs. These settings were the perfect backdrop for the brown-skinned women returning from the market with baskets of fruit on their heads and for the men in loincloths sitting in groups around their favorite fighting cocks. According to Covarrubias (1937:xx), these compounds and gates were seen as the proper setting for the "real Bali," while the cities and their physical and social structure were seen as signs of a lost paradise. In a more recent observation, Don Townsend (1994:229-30) describes contemporary Denpasar as a place where profanity succeeds, with a process of physical, economic, and psychological evasion of an unacceptable and culturally offensive way of urban living profoundly affecting

Bali's traditional and sacred culture.

Conceptions of BaHnese culture as a sacred phenomenon deeply intertwined with Hindu religion and customary law have led to the perception of the city as a profane place, where urban living is viewed as external and offensive to this culture. Explorations of BaH continue to provide observers with opportunities to define and market what constitutes the 'real BaH'. Recent research has examined how colonial, orientalist, and travel narratives have shaped, perpetuated, and objectified the notion of an authentic BaH throughout the 20th century (Picard 1996; Vickers 1999; Schulte Nordholt 1996; Schulte Nordholt 1999). These discourses, combined with the commodification of difference in cultural tourism, have contributed to the creation and consumption of an imagined BaH.

I have previously argued that writings on the architecture of Bali and the construction of built environments in 20th-century Bali are deeply intertwined in this process. These writings play a strategic role in providing a convincing portrayal of an imagined otherness, attracting readers and counter readers who view this materialization (Achmadi 2008; Achmadi 2004). As described by Henk Schulte Nordhold (1986; 1996), the colonization of traditional Bali involved transforming a constantly changing landscape into a fixed order. From an architectural perspective, this meant creating a framework through which power relations and productive built environments could be represented aesthetically and with a highly organized set of exotic architectural compositions and building arts. The marginalization of urban Bali's architectural dynamics as something "un-Bali" and the subsequent neglect of the island's urban history and development can also be seen as a by-product of this process. Traveling and colonial discourses have defined traditional Bali by selectively highlighting its most iconic features,

including Hindu Balinese religion and customary law, while commodifying the visually extravagant otherness found in the island's art and architecture. This consistently frames the urban environment and its complex socio-cultural dynamics as the antithesis of a traditional Bali.

Against the familiar mixture and hybrid formations of a city, the concept of urban Bali 153 BaU and its otherness gain importance and focus. Schulte Nordholt (2000) examines the emergence of local modernity in Bali in the 1920s and highlights how modernity and tradition mutually shape each other on the island. "[I]t was ... modern urban life that invented the traditional village and produced the memory of the good old rural way of life that belongs to the past" (2000:73). Expanding on this idea, I argue that the invention and commercialization of traditional BaU in the twentieth century have created a unique understanding of urbanism on the island. This understanding positions urban built environments and urban conditions as unwanted dynamics and un-Balinese phenomena. The royal centers in BaU, such as Badung, Gianyar, Klungkung, and Mengwi, which were political centers of BaUnese Hindu Majapahit kingdoms with the same names in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, are commonly referred to as court settlements in studies on BaU's political history. In travel and scholarly discussions, these settlements are often presented as examples of village environments. However, their socio-local characteristics have not been specifically categorized as rural or urban.

A different scholarly tradition can be seen in the examination of the royal capitals in Java from the same time period. HJ van Mook conducted a study on Kota Gede, which exemplifies this tradition (Wertheim 1958:277-306). In this groundbreaking study conducted in the early

1900s, van Mook analyzed the remaining physical remnants of the royal capital and palace complex (kraton) of the Islamic Mataram kingdom from the seventeenth century. He also interpreted the socio-economic system that governed the town's civic functioning, community structure, and land usage. Van Mook proposed that understanding Kota Gede could offer insights into the characteristics of an indigenous pre-colonial Javanese town (Wertheim 1958:277).

Van Mook 154 Achmadi translated the Weberian notion of city in the interpretation of total Javanese town by identifying the function of the settlement as a centre for ritual and secular life of the various classes of the citizens of the royal kingdom, as well as the complex regulation of land use, the central role of the market, and the ordering of civic and ritual roles in Kota Gede, the world court town. The physical traces of this court town include the territorial division of the settlement based on social categories, the use of a water-in dwelling compound typology with building structures like pendopo in the inner sections surrounding the old royal palace complex known as kratori, and key landmarks such as the market (pasar), main square (alun-alun), and royal burial site. Similar elements can also be found in the formation of the royal palaces in Hindu kingdoms in Bali. Despite less focus on urban conditions in the royal centers of Hindu Bali, studies on the island's pre-colonial political history offer insights into the pre-colonial urban conditions on the island.

They consider the socio-economic and political functions that are present in these royal courts and occasionally describe specific elements of the built environments that accommodate these functions. These analyses indicate the urban conditions and

characteristics of Balinese royal court settlements. Through revising and considering the evidence of urbanism in these studies, this paper aims to focus on the urban aspects of Balinese royal settlements. With a focus on the southern Balinese royal court, I examine the urban architectural characteristics of the central area of the Badung kingdom. This center served as a meeting place between the ruling court and its noble supporters, between the court and the surrounding Banjar (a neighborhood unit based on customs), and between traders, their clients, and buyers.

The detailed descriptions of socio-political relationships by Wiener (1995), Schulte Nordholt (1996), and Geertz (1983) have often neglected the examination of the physical formations of the urban environment where these relationships were performed. The strategic role of spatial organization in Bali's urban environments, and how power relations were enacted and normalized through the arrangement of space, buildings, and precincts, remains unexplored as a separate topic. Early visual accounts, such as those by Nieuwenkamp (1910), Krause (1920), Moojen (1926), and Covarrubias (1937), primarily focused on the grand Hindu Majapahit architectural structures, including royal palaces, temples, and archaeological sites, as well as the rustic appearance of peasant dwelling compounds. These accounts rarely delved into the construction and usage of these structures in relation to their surrounding rural or urban settlements.Many descriptions of the island's architecture at that time typically depict each building as a separate entity, showcasing its unique features as representative of Bahnese construction styles and customs.

Although the early accounts of early twentieth-century BaH's iconic architectural sites provide limited materials, they offer valuable insights into the island's urban and rural built environments. Andreas Tarnutzer (1995, 1993) and NathaHe Lancret

(1997) have conducted pioneering studies on Denpasar, focusing on urbanisation and urban history, which have been long neglected in BaHnese studies. Tarnutzer examines the urban development of Denpasar from its pre-colonial origins to its current state, emphasizing the structural changes that accompanied its long-standing urbanisation. He emphasizes the significance of migration as a driving force behind the rapid expansion of urban settlement, thereby defining Denpasar as a settler city.

However, when considering the island's unique form of identity politics, the opportunity to discuss the concept of a settler city in BaH is limited. Instead, migrants are consistently classified and treated as a temporary population of the city, regardless of how long they have lived there (see Sudira 2009). The current account of cultural identity in Denpasar heavily emphasizes the importance of a homogenous indigenous community, regardless of the city's current demographic composition. This perspective is openly endorsed by the city's authorities, who aim to cultivate an urban identity based on Balinese culture. In her study, Nathalie Lancret (1997) examines the changes in Balinese dwellings in late twentieth century Denpasar and argues that these transformations reflect the significant social change experienced by the city's indigenous community. This research aims to build upon Tarnutzer's and Lancret's investigations by further exploring the historical physical development of urbanization in Denpasar.

By examining different periods of Denpasar's urban landscape, this paper seeks to document the physical manifestations of the city's history. The subsequent sections of this paper are structured as a chronological examination of urban development in early twentieth century Denpasar. The initial section delves into the urbanism and architectural styles of Badung during the late pre-colonial era when it was

the capital of the Badung kingdom. The second section explores the transformation of the royal center into a colonial town as Denpasar took on its role as the administrative center for southern Denpasar.

The concluding section compares the urban conditions in early twentieth century Denpasar with the suppressed urbanism in the city today. In the late nineteenth century, Denpasar, originally known as Badung, served as the capital of the Hindu Majapahit kingdom of Badung. The rise of Badung as a civic and political center in southern Bali was a result of the rebellion led by I Gusd Ngurah Sakti Pemecutan against the established Mengwi kingdom in central Bali during the mid-eighteenth century (Agung 1986: 35). I Gusd Ngurah Sakd Pemecutan, a prominent figure from the noble clan Pemecutan, resided in a large family dwelling courtyard on the western bank of the Badung River.

The residential court of the noble clan of Pemecutan in the urban area of Reading, Bali, served as the central point for the settlement. As the kingdom reached its peak in the nineteenth century, the court grew and gained support from nobles (Tarnutzer 1995:250). The expansion and political maneuvers of the Pemecutan clan contributed to the growth of Badung settlement. Originally located on the western bank of the Badung River, it moved towards the eastern bank and eventually expanded northwards and southwards towards Kuta (originally Figure 1. Badung in 1906 – image courtesy of KITLl) 158 Achmadi Badung's coastal trading place) (figure 1). It also became the royal center of Badung in the early twentieth century.

The construction of new noble courts and their adjacent public square, religious structures, and civic facades, such as market

space, marked each stage of political manoeuvres within the ruling court. The Badung court settlement's core in its early days was the intersection where the residential palace of the Pemecutan clan (Puri Pemecutan) was located (no. 26 in figure 1). The palace's prominent position was emphasized by a small public square on the eastern side. This square hosted public markets and gatherings. An open pavilion (wantilan) in one corner of the square accommodated civic gatherings, including cockfights, dance performances, and musical performances.

The wide main street of Badung ran parallel to the adjacent Badung River, providing equal access. The dwelling compounds of the lesser noble families were located along the main street to the north and south. The commoners of Badung, divided into approximately 40 banjar communities, occupied the space behind and around the palace and noble compounds (Tarnutzer 1995:250). The commoners' dwellings could be accessed from the secondary streets branching out from the main street and the alleyways (figures 1 and 5).

The initial growth of Denpasar included the building of two court palaces on the north and northeast sides of the Badung River (Agung 1986). After I Gusd Ngurah Sakd Pemecutan's sudden death, Badung was divided into three regions, with each of his three sons having control over one. The eldest son, I Gusd Ngurah Made Pemecutan, lived in Puri Pemecutan (no. 26 in figure 1), while his younger brothers resided in Puri Satria (no.

In figure 1, there are five locations mentioned: Puri Pemecutan, located to the south of the Badung River, Puri Satria, located across the Badung River to the north, and Puri Kesiman, located further east towards Sanur. Puri Pemecutan served as a

model for the construction of Puri Satria and Puri Kesiman, which included a large square for weekly markets, a bell tower (kul-kul), and a village hall (wantilan) surrounding the main royal compound and the compounds of nobles. The main streets also had similar arrangements. By building two new noble courts in Kesiman and Satria, along with their separate civic centers, it reduced the possibility of conflict between the sons of the ruling Pemecutan king and their immediate followers. The third generation of the Pemecutan clan reconciled the Badung kingdom by constructing a new political center, a new royal compound.

The son of I Gusd Ngurah Made Pemecutan, 1 Gusd Ngurah Gde Denpasat, built a new palace called Puri Denpasar across the Badung River from the Pemecutan court (no. 1 in figure 1). The kingdom and its capital city were ruled from Puri Denpasat by him and his successor until the puputan event of 1906. The territory of the Badung kingdom has been a subject of dispute among the three princely courts, Pemecutan, Sattia, and Kesiman. The political expansion of Badung through constructing new royal courts was consistently accompanied by the establishment of communal structures such as market square, public gathering hall, rice barn, and watchtower.

The expansion of the Pemecutan court also led to an increase in the civic role of Badung as an urban settlement. During its height, the royal center of the kingdom provided its population of 2000 (Tarnutzer 1995:251) with various public spaces, which facilitated not only the religious activities of the Hindu Balinese community, as documented by numerous studies, but also other socio-economic exchanges involving the population of the neighboring region of South

Bali. The road network in early twentieth-century Badung, which was structured in a grid pattern that evolved from the more common linear pattern seen in other settlements, further emphasized Badung's significance as both a civic and political center for southern Bali. Regional roads connected the capital with Kuta, Sanur, Kapal, and Tabanan. The presence of numerous public structures and buildings in Badung reflected the wealth and capability of the ruling Pemecutan clan in facilitating both the religious rituals and daily lives of its people. Ironically, the most detailed visual records of Badung were created during the event that marked the end of the reign of the royal family of this southern kingdom (Creese and others 2006).

In 1906, the colonial army faced strong resistance from 160 Achmadi individuals belonging to the population of Badung and the royal family's army when they entered the capital city. The resistance resulted in a puputan, where the royal families, their supporters, and the people of Badung carried out a mass suicide procession while marching against the colonial army and stabbing themselves to death. This puputan took place at the market square outside the Denpasar palace. The event was documented by HM van Weede in his collection of photographs and travel writing from 1908 and by WOJ Nieuwenkamp through his drawings from 1910. HM van Weede, an affluent tourist, had been exploring the Netherlands Indies after visiting British India (Creese and others 2008:xiv).

Gaining authorization to