A Rocky 50 Years – Palestinian – Israelie relations Essay Example

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Despite contrary policy, Zionism - advocating for a Jewish homeland - gained popularity in the United States. The Biltmore Conference, held in May 1942 in New York, saw Zionists push for a Jewish commonwealth in Palestine. After World War II ended, President Truman expressed support and empathy towards European Jews. He aimed to fulfill the promise made in the Balfour Declaration and rescue victims of Nazism without specifying a preferred statehood blueprint or deadline for achieving it.

The American policy aimed to peacefully establish a Jewish homeland and provide displaced European Jews with access. In 1947, Britain relinquished Palestine's control to the United Nations, who created the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP). UNSCOP suggested dividing Palestine into an Arab and Jewish state linked economically. The United States supported the proposal but it was not implemented (Relch, 3).

After the United Nations General Assembly approved the partition of Palestine and the establishment of Israel on November 29, 1947, clashes erupted among Palestinians in Palestine. The partition received approval from thirty-three nations while thirteen countries voted against it and ten abstained. In an effort to help restore public order amidst escalating violence in Palestine, Warren R. Austin, the US representative to the United Nations proposed a temporary trusteeship on March 19, 1948. However, this proposition did not receive much support and as violence continued to escalate approximately one percent of the Jewish population in Palestine lost their lives.

Truman grappled with the decision to recognize Israel's impending declaration of independence before or after it became official. During a debate between Presidential advisor

Clark Clifford and Secretary of State George Marshall, Marshall opposed acknowledging Israel's statehood “de jure” as he referenced a rumor that most of the Jews entering Palestine were Communists. Meanwhile, Clifford argued that establishing a democratic nation in Palestine was crucial for the long-term safety of the world and prompt recognition could strengthen the new Jewish state in its infancy (Raviv and Melman, 30).

11 minutes after Israel declared independence on May 14th, 1948, the United States recognized its statehood. This was a victory for Marshall's argument, but it had ulterior motives. The US saw a Middle Eastern partner as crucial to their strategy of containing communism and accessing oil reserves in the area. To counteract Soviet intervention and ensure that Israel did not fall under Soviet control, Truman quickly acknowledged its existence. As Palestine became Israel, it became more reliant on US aid.

The foreign policy of the United States towards Israel from 1948 to 1967 changed due to the increasing conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. Arab nations opposed Israel during this time and launched invasions on all sides after its declaration of independence in 1948. Even though the American ambassador warned Prime Minister Ben Gurion not to violate any truces, Ben Gurion cautioned Truman and the State Department that United Nations sanctions could not force Israel to compromise on issues crucial to its security and independence (Raviv and Melman, 33).

Ben Gurion's famous response, which came to represent Israel's stance of retaining all land gained in war, led to the General Assembly passing a resolution. This called for the appointment of an intermediary and resulted in the creation of the Palestine Conciliation Commission (PCC) on December

11, 1948. The PCC was tasked with assisting the UN mediator in achieving peace or establishing permanent borders in Israel.

In 1952, when Dwight D. Eisenhower became President, he remained neutral towards the Middle East. However, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles' visit to Israel in 1953 caused concerns that the United States was showing favoritism towards Arabs. Dulles' opinions on Israel were based on his desire to protect American oil interests. In August 1955, he proposed setting fixed borders between Israel and its neighboring Arab countries to prevent future conflicts. Before this suggestion, Israel had been holding onto land obtained through small battles with their Arab opponents.

In 1956, a proposal for an official treaty to protect and maintain boundaries was put forward but it was overlooked due to the Suez War led by Gamal Abdel Nasser. Egypt's nationalization of the Suez Canal during this war took control away from French and British administration, which blocked Israel's trade route through the Strait of Tiran. As a result, Israel joined forces with Great Britain and France to launch a military attack against Egypt.

Due to the U.S. forcing France and Great Britain to withdraw from the conflict, as well as Israel being pressured to relinquish its territories of Sinai and Gaza, tension rose between the United States and Israel. The frustration was further compounded by Israel's exclusion of the U.S. in their alliance with Great Britain and France. Additionally, Israel ignored warnings against becoming involved in the conflict.

Although Israel was unhappy about the US requesting their withdrawal instead of providing aid, relations improved when the US promised to assist Israel in navigating the Gulf of Aqaba, including Eilat

port. The US emerged as the dominant global power after Britain and France declined, prioritizing conflict avoidance, stability preservation, economic and social development promotion, and oil security from Eisenhower to Johnson's presidency until 1967. Initially discouraging military action by Israel, this position changed during the 1967 War.

The Six-Day War of 1967, which greatly influenced American policy towards Israel, can be traced back to the Suez War of 1956. The Egyptian President at the time, Gamal Abdel Nasser, was worried about Arab losses and Palestinian nationalism. As a result, he demanded that United Nations forces stationed in Sinai - which is adjacent to southern Israel - withdraw and closed off the critical Strait of Tiran port for Israel on May 22nd, 1967.

A treaty was signed by Egypt, Syria, and Jordan that put their armies under Nasser's control, causing Israel to anticipate the outbreak of war. To avoid a repeat of past incidents where support from the Eisenhower administration was lacking, Israel sought approval from the United States to launch a preemptive attack. Initially, Johnson denied the request and aimed to promote peace; however, he later relented and authorized the attack after realizing that war was inevitable and consulting with his advisors.

In 1967, Israeli military forces launched an airstrike on the biggest gathering of Egyptian troops. This attack lasted for six days and resulted in an Israeli victory that garnered admiration and respect from both Jewish and non-Jewish Americans. The Johnson administration also shifted the foreign policy of the United States due to this swift and decisive win.

The decision-making process was once again driven by impure motives. Special Assistant Walt Rostow suggested to President

Lyndon Johnson that if Israel acted quickly and the Soviets became concerned, a ceasefire without returning to pre-war boundaries could be the best solution. This would allow the US to negotiate a permanent peace in the Middle East instead of simply reverting back to previous armistice lines. The US administration ultimately saw the war and its result as advantageous for America.

The significance of American interests in Israel extended beyond preventing Soviet intervention in the Middle East and also included securing the flow of Arab oil to Western allies. While Johnson did not compel Israel to relinquish the conquered land, he recommended giving up some territory to placate the Arabs. In Washington, Johnson stated that recognizing rights of national life, ensuring freedom of maritime passage, controlling the arms race, and respecting political independence and territorial integrity were also essential (Raviv and Melman, 141).

According to www.mfa.gov, the Six-Day War established a benchmark for US policies towards Israel. The American approach has been centered around safeguarding Israel's secure existence within recognized borders and attaining this through direct talks with neighboring Arab nations. Subsequent presidents have utilized Camp David talks as a means of fostering peace.

Various US Presidents, including Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, George Bush Senior, and Bill Clinton employed diverse strategies in their efforts to bring about peace between Arab and Israeli nations. One of the approaches utilized was the Camp David Accords which were signed on September 17th, 1978 in Washington D.C by Jimmy Carter, Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin. Although it served as a basis for peace talks, ultimately only a treaty between Israel and Egypt was formed.

In Maryland's Camp

David, President Carter held a meeting with Sadat and Begin in September 1978, which lasted thirteen days. Two accords were declared and Egypt accepted them on the 19th of September while Israel followed on the 28th of September. These negotiations eventually led to the signing of the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty at the White House on March 26, 1979. This treaty remains as Israel's sole peace agreement.

Initially, Ronald Reagan's administration did not give much importance to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict upon his presidency. However, this changed when Iraq invaded Iran during their ongoing war. America provided trade credits to Iraq while disregarding other nations that extended support, despite employing dubious political tactics. In a covert operation called the Iran-Contra Affair, Reagan exchanged arms with Iran to secure the release of American hostages.

Both Israel and the United States sought to establish alliances with former Arab foes, but the Iraq-Iran conflict led to the Persian Gulf War after Iraq invaded Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. President Reagan aimed to cultivate ties with Saudi Arabia by selling arms, but Israel opposed this move due to past support by Saudi Arabia for attacks on them. Congress deliberated on this issue, with some members backing Israel's objections, though ultimately no position was taken.

Reagan voiced his disapproval of foreign representatives meddling in domestic politics and foreign policy (Raviv and Melma, 195). Nevertheless, tensions eased during his presidency as Reagan signed agreements establishing joint planning and consultative bodies that facilitated practical arrangements in military and civilian contexts. When Iraq launched Scud missiles during the Persian Gulf War, hoping to incite Israel into the conflict and unite Arab countries against it, President George Bush Senior was

serving as president.

Although this approach had the possibility to spark a worldwide clash, Israel chose not to engage in the war with backing from the US, thus preventing it. Although he is considered a controversial figure, Americans frequently disregard Bill Clinton's endeavors towards obtaining peace in the Middle East.

In July 2002, Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak were brought together by a third party for a fifteen-day summit at Camp David. Barak offered Arafat a section of East Jerusalem as their capital in hopes of achieving peace in Israel. However, Arafat declined the offer which caused Barak's enthusiasm to decrease. Ben Ami, who was negotiating for Clinton, was amazed by Barak's gesture.

Although numerous proposals were presented to Arafat, he demonstrated a lack of enthusiasm for peace and refused all offers without offering any alternative. Consequently, the peace negotiations at Camp David failed, resulting in Ariel Sharon's election over Barak. Comparable to how Bush had different foreign policy strategies from Clinton, there are presently multiple complications regarding foreign policy between Israel and the United States.

The IDF is considered to be among the top military powers worldwide, ranking fifth or sixth. They have multiple delivery systems for their nuclear weapons and possess the third largest air force. The United States provides direct or indirect support for these systems, as noted by Green (1). Despite neighboring Arab countries lacking a comparable military strength, they resort to terrorism in the form of suicide bombings which even the strongest army in the world cannot fully prevent.

Although there is no official treaty between the United States and Israel, terminating their alliance would be unproductive as Israel offers

substantial support. This is demonstrated by the fact that during the 37th United Nations General Assembly, Israel and America had an agreement rate of 86.2% (Relch, 179).

By abandoning Israel, the United States would not only lose its ally status but also put its oil interests in the Middle East at risk. In addition, the US provides assistance to Israel by protecting it from anti-Israel measures within the United Nations and exchanging military and intelligence information.

The Middle East has experienced a shift due to recent United States efforts towards peace, resulting in a decrease in both suicide bombings and confrontations. According to Henry Kissinger in a recent edition of Newsweek, the introduction of active American diplomacy in the region has caused a mix of hope and trepidation. Despite criticisms of America's foreign policy, many are urging Washington to assert a dominant role. (48)

According to Hirsh (44), Yossi Beilin, a former Israeli peace negotiator, believes that President Bush's statement of "Let them bleed" is a significant mistake and displays a lack of willingness to support Israel. Despite this reluctance, intervention remains crucial for preserving peace in the region. Over the years, American foreign policy has been to stand by Israel as an ally despite obstacles. In 1948, Clark Clifford stressed the importance of this alliance and recognized Israel as a provider of democracy while acting as a buffer against the Soviet Union and ensuring access to oil.

During Prime Minister Ben Gurion's leadership, Israeli foreign policy aimed to prioritize independence and security in its relationship with the United States. Despite occasional disagreements, the two nations cooperated in fighting terrorism and opposing the Soviet Union during Truman's presidency.

To this day, they maintain a partnership against terrorism. Following September 11th, the US President announced a worldwide mission to eliminate terrorism and those who support it - an essential pledge for both America and the international community.

Dennis Miller suggests that Israelis have begun reacting to frequent attacks, such as the Oklahoma City bombing, in a comparable manner. When urged to exercise restraint, it was proposed that if America encountered a similar situation, prompt action would be required and everything east of the Jordan and south of the Mediterranean would essentially be eradicated. On May 28th of 2002, several people were killed by a suicide bomber including a security guard, a forty-year-old woman, and an infant. Despite this heartbreaking event, America has been reluctant to intervene. It's important to note that Israel regards America as its beacon of hope for the future.

Although there are hopes for the future, the continuing fatalities of children are causing doubts about its sustainability.