Parliament has little impact on the policy making process Essay Example
Parliament has little impact on the policy making process Essay Example

Parliament has little impact on the policy making process Essay Example

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  • Pages: 8 (1978 words)
  • Published: December 15, 2017
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In essence, the British political system's legislative section is Parliament.

An asymmetrical bicameral system exists comprising of two unequal bodies, the House of Commons and the House of Lords. The more powerful of the two is the House of Commons which operates primarily for purposes including representation, legislation, scrutiny and influencing the executive, debating on current issues and admission to government. The House of Lords shares similar functions to the House of Commons, however, it is perceived as being weaker and operates additional roles such as providing constitutionally safeguarding judgments.

It is argued by this essay that Parliament cannot be considered responsible for policy making. This is mostly due to the fact that policy making is not within the scope of Parliament's role. Additionally, any influence that Parliament may have on policy is largely dependent on personalities rather than constit

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utional mandates. While it is difficult to make a case for altering roles, the author believes that measures could be implemented to prevent one individual or party from dominating and promote greater democratic involvement.

The world has three identifiable types of legislature, namely Policy-making, Policy-influencing, and those that have little or no impact on policy. Parliament is perceived as a policy-influencing entity that relies on the executive to develop policies before providing responses. The executive's power to initiate policy has been reinforced by the expansion of the party machine. Although Parliament does have a limited number of initiation processes, it is not primarily involved in making policies, which is the role of the executive. Nonetheless, Parliament retains a small degree of authority to approve policies that are not from the executive.

Although the Government has control over Parliament, it canno

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always guarantee the approval of Bills. There are four factors that contribute to governmental control: having a majority and the support of loyal voters, the ability to set the parliamentary schedule, the capability to limit debates, and control over drafting. The process of policy-making is typically a lengthy one, which Bill Jones divided into three stages: initiation, formulation, and implementation. Initiation typically results from debate or a prevailing public opinion.

Policy can stem from various factions of politics such as the Executive, Civil service, Parliament, Pressure groups, or the General public. It can be influenced by personal beliefs or the perspectives of others. The Government's election manifesto is a crucial source of policy, and victorious parties typically execute their promises effectively. The formation of manifestos varies among parties but is typically led by the party's executive and appointed interests. Appointed interests may comprise leaders of back-bench committees, but there is scant evidence to suggest their significant contribution to the policy development process.

Various measures are implemented for different reasons such as a specific crisis (as seen in the Dangerous Dog Act of 1991), international agreements (like the Maastricht Agreement of 1993), and through consultation with Government departments. Private members' bills, introduced by Parliament, have minimal contribution to legislation. From 1987 to 1992, Parliament had introduced 584 private members' bills, but most were not debated and only 65 bills (11%) got approved, in comparison to 202 out of 213 Government bills (95%) passed over the same period. The incongruity is apparent when the length of bills is compared.

It is likely that the quantity of pages passed for private members' bills would equate to only about four or five

Government bills. When a proposal is introduced to the system, it undergoes policy formulation to produce a cohesive idea that can be turned into legislation. While Parliament does have a say in the contents of bills, it does not heavily influence the actual drafting process. The particulars of Government bills are decided upon by ministers following considerable deliberation.

The involvement of Members of Parliament (MPs) and peers in discussions related to major bills is not formal. When formulating a major bill, little consideration is given to back-bench dissatisfaction despite evidence from ministers and advisers. If a reaction is anticipated, relevant MPs may be encouraged to support the bill. With party partisanship, it is likely that the bill will be passed. However, to avoid continually annoying colleagues, a minister may alter a bill before it reaches Parliament. The frequency of this occurrence is uncertain due to the secrecy of the system. The second part of policy formulation involves drafting by Parliamentary counsel.

The Government wields complete authority in creating bills that eventually transition into laws, which results in MPs having minimal involvement. Private Members' Bills, however, are usually created by a single member of parliament or group and may be prone to errors due to lack of backing. Roughly one-third of the House of Commons' time and nearly two-thirds of the House of Lords' is dedicated to policy implementation.

The authority of Parliament is substantial as it plays a crucial role in facilitating discussion and holding ministers accountable for their bills. Nevertheless, there are those who contend that bills undergo minimal modifications from inception to completion in Parliament, indicating that its influence is negligible. Despite the significant amount of

time devoted to the process, many bills are ratified without modification, thereby confirming the Government's supremacy over legislation principles and specifics. Additionally, multiple constraints may impede the Government's ability to obtain backing from its own MPs for unaltered or even passing bills at all. These limitations all contribute to reinforcing the legislature's potency.

Financial constraints or a reluctance from important decision makers to allocate funds can impede policy implementation. The promoting minister must possess the necessary skills to quickly push through and gain adequate support. Personal motives, such as status desires, ambitions, or rivalries, may lead some decision makers to oppose certain policy objectives – exemplified by the European Union (EU). Governments must prioritize introducing policies that can pass before the end of a parliamentary term due to limited legislative time.

Timing is crucial for passing controversial bills. A bill is more likely to be passed right after a general election since the ruling Government has a fresh mandate from the public and the risk of losing seats at the next election is reduced. The public is unlikely to vote against the Government because of a bill passed up to 5 years earlier. Policies that are not controlled by a single department tend to suffer from coordination inefficiencies, as some critics argue. Additionally, a South-east bias is often seen in Government policies, such as defence contracts, due to most decision makers living in the home counties, which has a more flourishing economy and is the Conservative heartland.

Due to the increasing reliance of the British economy on several other economies, there are limitations to what can be achieved in the economic realm. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and

the European Union impose formal constraints since 1976. Informal restrictions may arise due to the oil price hikes in the early 1970s. Policy implementation is greatly influenced by wars, such as the Falklands War (1982), while foreign policy has been significantly affected by the transformations in former communist nations.

As the European Union's institutional powers and treaty obligations increase, policies become subject to more powerful constraints. For instance, the European Union will soon decide on fishing rights in 'the Irish Box', instead of the British Government. Political support is the most crucial constraint, encompassing endorsement for a policy or Government within Parliament and among external stakeholders. To ensure a policy's success, support is necessary, particularly from the Government's backbenchers, without which it is unlikely to pass.

It is relatively uncommon for the executive to completely fail due to the majority support usually received from executives in the House of Commons. However, if Parliament lacks confidence in the Government or a specific individual connected to a policy, it becomes more difficult for the executive to implement said policy. Policies can be killed off by resistance and back-bench rebellions are more likely. Thus, this factor must be considered when formulating policy. If the executive or policy receives dissatisfaction from back-benchers, like with the Governments' budget measure to increase VAT on domestic fuel, main Government policies can be impacted. Nonetheless, it appears that 'persuasion' is commonly used for major policy objectives rather than defeat as seen with manifesto promises.

"I am making a concerted effort to consider deeply...

One can become a true Maverick by freely advocating for Toryism without regard for Party discipline, which is often just a

convenience for the Whips' Office. Parliament serves to legitimize the actions of the executive and acts as the principal agency where the rulers are accepted by the ruled. The MP represents parties, pressure groups, and constituencies in Parliament.

The distinction in the roles of the House of Commons and House of Lords stems from their distinct electoral systems. The House of Commons undergoes an election process, whereas the House of Lords does not and instead reflects a range of parties and interest groups that may exhibit self-interest. Though Parliament is no longer responsible for devising policies, its authorization and prescribed protocols are vital for enacting laws. Failure to obtain this endorsement renders government ineffective or undemocratic in its governing capacity.

The emergence of the organised party system is often regarded as the most significant factor in removing Parliament's role in policy-making. This has considerably increased the executive's ability to pass their proposed bills and has reduced the power of Parliament to amend or reject policies. Alongside this development, other factors such as personalities and majority size also contribute to the ease with which policies are enacted. When Margaret Thatcher assumed the Prime Minister post in 1979, she introduced a political mobilisation style, becoming the longest-serving Prime Minister of the century (winning three consecutive elections within 139 months) until her resignation on November 22nd, 1990. Mrs Thatcher utilised her capabilities extensively to gain immense influence over policy-making in Parliament.

Mrs. Thatcher demonstrated significant control over the Conservative party and established the 'Number 10 Policy Unit' to insulate herself from the civil service. Her personality was reputedly formidable at times. The civil service was reportedly frightened of her

and she showed a particular affinity for Norman Tebbit. Mrs. Thatcher significantly influenced government departments and was deeply involved in selecting top officials, which was unprecedented.

During the reign of Mrs Thatcher as Prime Minister, the Labour party underwent a series of splits and transformations and the majority in the Commons made Parliament a rubber-stamping facility. The Lords were responsible for most of the significant defeats, such as with the GLC Paving Bill (1984) and various amendments. However, under John Major's more relaxed leadership style, which was leaked after his appointment, Parliament has been able to assert some of its authority by amending or defeating the Government. Despite having a smaller party in the Commons, John Major's Cabinet meetings were more interactive, which has allowed the Parliament to regain some control. It is evident that Parliament operates under both rules and personalities, as seen with the defeat of the Labour Government 347 times during 1974-1979 compared to Mrs Thatcher's first Government that was defeated only 45 times and her 1983-1987 Government only 19 times, despite having a sizeable Conservative majority in the Lords.

Government plays the primary role in the policy making process, leaving little room for Parliament to have a significant impact. While Private Members' Bills remain a small provision, they are insignificant when compared to the level of legislation passed by government. The reduction of Parliament's ability to amend or reject was a result of the enormous majority of governments in the 1980s and a strong leader. However, the decline of Margaret Thatcher's Government has provided an opportunity for Parliament to reassert some of its authority over the executive.

Despite the potential excesses of

Conservative Governments in the 1980s, power remains firmly with the Government due to four factors identified by Coxall and Robins. While the use of Select Committees and specialised Standing Committees for scrutiny has increased Parliamentary power, more safeguards are still required.

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