Catholicism Unifying Spain’s Diverse Communities.

action. However, this Basque nationalist movement was initially disregarded in Spanish political thought. It was only after the assassination of San Sebastian police commissioner Meliton Manzanas and traffic police officer Jose Pardines in 1968 (Mansvelt 2005, p. 66) that the Spanish authorities started paying attention to Basque patriotism.

Despite being a breakaway motion that is different from others in the universe, ETA gained public support due to the infamous suffering caused by Manzanas. The Basque regions provided immense local support, which led ETA to continue their attacks, resulting in the Basque people becoming the collective enemy of a large part of the Spanish population. While internationally perceived as a contained military operation, the Basque nation's persistent fear of Basque violence is what has sustained the movement for over forty years, making compromise seem impossible. Furthermore, unlike the two Palestinian Intifadas in 1987 and 2000, the Basque movement has remained a violent one and has rarely involved civilians. Unlike Palestinian and Irish separatist violence, ETA's attacks target political and government figures. Additionally, 77% of ETA attacks occur within Euskadi (Mansvelt 2005, p.).

177). ETA attacks rarely occur in major cities like Madrid or Barcelona. Both Spain and the Basque nationalists remain committed to achieving their respective goals. Due to Spain's rising unemployment and declining economy, a Basque secession is not feasible, and ETA perceives unfairness in the Spanish political system. While ETA initially had some support from the average Spanish citizen, moral approval significantly decreased with the escalation of ETA violence in the 1980s. The nature of the demand for a Basque state makes it difficult for many Spaniards to sympathize with the Basque cause.

The Spanish government believes

that it has provided enough support for "ethno regionalism" by granting relative freedom among the different states (Mansvelt 2005, p. 176). However, it is important to note that most of the other communities speak different languages. Castilian, the official Spanish language, is only spoken natively in Madrid.

Due to the linguistic diversity in the rest of Spain and the shared Catholic faith, most Spaniards do not understand the rationale behind Basque secession. ETA's non-militant factions aim to justify this position by employing "language activism" to gain support from non-radical groups (Mansvelt 2005, p. 93). The use of such unconventional methods of separation sets the Basque nationalist movement apart. In contrast to Ireland, which fought against Britain based on religion, ETA finds itself struggling to secure secession based on the most obvious cultural differences. ETA's linguistic division also extends into France, as its "terrorist campaign [also] seeks political independence for all seven Basque provinces" (West 1998, p.).

The construction of ETA, similar to other violent movements like the IRA, the Shining Path, and neo-Nazi groups, is multi-tiered and aimed at garnering widespread support. Scholars note that ETA's combatants are typically young males. Additionally, ETA employs various levels of action, making it appealing to different segments of society.

According to Mansvelt (2005, p. 183), Basque ETA volunteers are involved in various levels of personal commitment. The highest level entails direct allegiance to ETA and encompasses armed activists who carry out well-coordinated strikes in Spain. The second level includes individuals willing to engage in rioting and gang-related violence. The lowest level involves those who show support for ETA activities by voting for Basque nationalist parties. It is important to note that

the legal aspects of ETA, such as political parties and organizations, are always given priority.

Violence is disregarded in favor of extorting business communities, professionals, and other individuals eligible to pay revolutionary taxes. Revolutionary taxes used to be limited to the wealthy, but ETA now resembles Il Cosa Nostra, extorting small business owners and people of average economic status. This transformation has turned ETA, once a champion of the people, into an organized crime group that is disliked by many Spanish citizens who used to support their cause. The conservative faction in the Basque region is distancing itself from ETA due to its association with various anti-system movements and extremist ideologies attributed to the violent organization.

179). ETA has often compared itself to other separatist movements in its violent protests, which hinders it from gaining broad European support. The movement's street force has been inspired by events in Palestine and actions linked to the IRA in Northern Ireland, as seen through the wearing of "Palestinian shawls" and "IRA probationary sweaters" during public riots (Mansvelt 2005, p. 179). This prevents ETA from gaining widespread support, particularly from countries like the United Kingdom and Serbia.

ETA's actions have had a significant impact and achieved notable successes. One such success was the orchestrated assassination of Prime Minister Luis Carrero Blanco in 1973, which deeply resonated (Shafir 1995, p.11). During this time, Europe was already facing cultural tensions in the Eastern Bloc. Additionally, the Basque region's policy of segregating non-Basque Spaniards hindered empathy from integrated communities in major European cities like Berlin, Paris, London, and Rome while aiming to strengthen Basque identity. Immigration remains a contentious issue among many European circles (Kasmir

1996, p.81). It is worth mentioning that Gershon Shafir, an Israeli scholar, highlights how violent extremism is academically disapproved of—this is particularly unusual in Euskadi considering citizens generally enjoy a higher standard of living compared to most other Europeans.

There is widespread concern in the international community about the Basque motion, as it is seen as not just opposing administrative centralization but also capitalism itself (Shafir 1995, p. 88). Consequently, American intervention is inevitable, as any threat to capitalism is seen as going against the interests of the North American superpower. It should be noted that the Basque nationalist movement extends beyond Spain.

The Basque patriots have established a European Chapter in their plans, aiming to make the movement more international (Mansvelt 2005, p. 162). Inspired by ETA, various Basque groups in France have emerged, including an organization called Iparretarrak, which has been using violence since 1973 and has split the French Basque community into supporters and condemners of violent actions (Mansvelt 2005, p. 101). Resorting to force and inspiring similar movements across borders has only resulted in the association of deadly patriotism with violence, particularly in the Basque brand of patriotism.

The manifestation of ETA in France is similar to its counterpart in Spain, as it distributes street force and polarizes the youth. After ETA resorted to violence again, its legal representation has become disillusioned, losing credibility as a rational movement. While Basque politicians strongly advocate for independence, ETA hinders any progress in its criminal activities. The international perception of ETA presented to the world media is one of radical political ideology, rather than a desperate nationalistic effort. Similar to oppressive Muslim nations in the Middle East,

ETA has suppressed publications, the press, and broadcasts "one-sided nationalist positions on Basque TV," which raises doubts about the diverse claims of the patriots and their institutions (Mansvelt 2005, p. 162).

ETA's hawkish factions rely mainly on bullying tactics and idle threats, similar to the rock-throwing actions of Fatah and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). Despite these nefarious actions, ETA is highly respected among wide circles for their broad perspectives and inclusion of the Basque region. Initially, social support for ETA was nominal when it was founded in 1959, with other separatist movements like those in Catalunia showing solidarity. However, once ETA started assassinating Spanish officials in Euskadi and abroad, public support declined and became limited to broad groups. Prior to the establishment of ETA, the Basque nationalist movement had not taken up arms, causing the Spanish people to view their struggle as a matter of ideals. This understanding was fueled by the repressive era of Franco's Spain. In fact, ETA's challenge to Franco attracted significant sympathy for the local cause, even from non-Basque workers (Shafir 1995, p. 115).

During the 1980s, ETA members were frequently martyred during times of heightened tension. This occurred after the death of Franco and the democratization of Spain, when "high-ranking Spanish politicians and civil servants" formed "Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberacion (GAL), death squads who killed, took hostages, and illegally arrested suspected ETA members" (Mansvelt 2005, p. 65). The evolving Spanish government and economy adopted more capitalist tendencies, while socialist patriotism thrived in northern and eastern Spain, gaining support from the broader Spanish youth. Additionally, the highly organized nature of Spain initially provided moral support to ETA. The unionization and democratic inclinations

of Basque nationalism are unique and naturally earned the respect of both immigrants and Spaniards alike.

ETA's cause is unique among nationalist movements as it is not based on race but rather on language. Basque scholars were able to address the current challenges faced by African and Middle Eastern immigrants in Europe. Even Algerian and Moroccan individuals could be part of the Basque movement as long as they were fluent in Euskara (Basque). ETA had a more inclusive stance towards immigrants, although it was considered uncertain and inconsistent (Shafir 1995, p. 4).

The universal acceptance of foreigners, despite their faith and race, was a result of the Basque effort to disregard these traits as inherently "Spaniard". This cosmopolitan acceptance, although conditional, was highly regarded by American and British scholars. The popularity of ETA and the Basque nationalist movement can be seen in their membership in countries such as Algeria, Argentina, Belgium, Cape Verde, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Germany, Holland, Italy, Mexico, Netherlands, Panama, Sao Tome and Principe, Uruguay, and Venezuela (ICT 2003). Unlike the largely Catholic Spanish state, the Basque leftist nationalist movement sparked by ETA welcomed other like-minded populations, including homosexuals, feminists, and socialists. Before the escalation of Basque violence, the Spanish working class shared the socialist sentiments of the movement. However, they did not formally endorse it.

The Basque nationalist movement in Spain, known as ETA, was aligned with Marxist elements in Europe and called for a popular rebellion against the Spanish authorities. They believed that Spain's system of capitalism was oppressive and called for a revolution. Additionally, a student movement called "las Cabras" emerged with the sole purpose of promoting their cause by targeting Spanish

civil buildings. This intellectual support bolstered their reputation as rational compared to Irish separatists who shared the same race and religion as their British oppressors.

Despite the ETA's use of force, the global recognition of the Basque movement highlights the shared goals among nationalist movements. In contrast to India's Kashmiri secessionist movement, which could harm Indian unity, Basque patriotism would not have similar negative consequences. This is acknowledged by both the international community and the Basque and Spanish people. The widespread support for the movement is primarily driven by economic reasons as the Basque population enjoys a higher standard of living compared to average Spaniards.

The international approval for the Basque movement is due to the feasibility of the future Basque state, which could be as prosperous as Luxembourg if granted independence.

Decision

ETA was heavily influenced by the IRA and PLO, and took inspiration from their peace efforts. They attempted to negotiate a peace pact with Spain in 1992 during a secret Algerian summit. However, the Spanish government's hardline stance prevented a peace agreement, leading to the continuation of the conflict. There was a brief 14-month ceasefire, but it ended. By 1992, the majority of the Spanish population desired an end to ETA violence, especially after reports of discrimination and animosity towards Spanish immigrants in the Basque region. ETA is perceived similarly to Islamic aggression by much of the world. Many Spaniards fail to understand the rationale behind secession, particularly after post-Franco democratic governments granted cultural and administrative autonomy. While ETA had strong public support in Spain and abroad from its establishment in 1959 until its first political killing in 1968, its support diminished following its militant activities.

It began to align with other international separatist movements such as the Palestinian Intifada and the IRA's bombing campaigns.

The revitalization of socialism in Europe in the 1970s gained support from students worldwide, especially considering the context of Basque nationalism. The goals of ETA appealed to many beyond Basque Spain, as they skillfully included immigrants and other cultural groups in their nationalist struggle. African movements like Black Nationalism under Uganda's Idi Amin exhibited fascist tendencies. ETA supported immigrants on the condition that they embraced Euskara as their primary language, a deliberate contrast to the Spanish Inquisition's imposition of Catholicism as the dominant religion among the "Spanish people" in the late fifteenth century.

Like the IRA and Sinn Fein, ETA and its political affiliates struggle within the system, resorting to violence periodically and at times inappropriately. Although they do not publicly denounce ETA, Basque patriot politicians are perceived as more representative of the movement than ETA, allowing Spaniards to sympathize with the Basque movement while denouncing ETA. The Basque Diaspora in France and Spain, while morally united, have not merged ideologically as French Basque populations are wary of ETA violence. They identify more with France than with a Basque state, serving as a constant counter to Basque claims of secession. Their steadfast rejection of violence further discredits ETA internationally.

In addition, the presence of Spanish-speaking ETA soldiers adds a Spanish identity to the Basque people, causing uncertainty about the genuineness of ETA's cultural and linguistic claims. Spanish support for ETA and the Basque cause only occurred when ETA called for a ceasefire during the early years of the Aznar administration. When Aznar agreed to discuss Basque terms and the

possibility of a Basque state, Spaniards from all regions threatened secession unless their demands were also met; the wealthy Basque region posed a particular threat to Spanish unity. However, ETA also provided Spain with a common enemy; Galicians, Catalans, and Castilians have little in common except for their shared fear and abhorrence of violence. To some extent, ETA relies on Spain; without Spanish repression, ETA would be no different from any other extremist group.

According to Shafir (1995, p. 201), it is difficult to measure the "standing of ETA" among Basques themselves. Since ETA's ceasefire ended in December 1999, there have been recent demonstrations against ETA's use of force. However, there have also been demonstrations in support of ETA. The divide between those advocating for violence and those justifying it continues to grow. Regardless of whether they are seen as villains or heroes, most Spaniards and people abroad agree that ETA exists for a purpose and is willing to sacrifice itself for a belief, unlike the GAL and Spanish guerrilla groups of the past (Mansvelt 2005, p. 68).

The future of ETA and the Basque nationalist movement, however, relies on extremist groups both in favor of and against secession.

Bibliography

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4. Shafir, Gershon. (1995) Immigrants and Patriots: Cultural Conflict and Adjustment in Catalonia, the Basque Country, Latvia and
   

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Albany, State U of New York P.
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