Social dialects Rothstain and S. Rothstain (2009), they difined dialect a an aspect of language that refers to variation in pronunciation, words and, grammar of a specific language and as a part of every language, resulting from geographic, occupational and social differences. Read(1986), said that dialect can be divided into social and regional varieties. Regional dialects are difened geographically; social dialect are difined by socioeconomic and sociocultural characteristics. Black English is the best-known example of American social dialect.
George Yule(2006),this refers to the traditional dialects tended to concentrate on the speech of people in rural areas, the study of social dialects has been mainly concerned with speakers in towns and cities. In the study of dialects, it is social class that is mainly used to difined groups of speakers as having something in common. The two
...main groups groups are generally indentified as “middle class”, those who have more years of education and perform non manual work, and “ working class “, ando those who have fewer years of education and perform manual work of some kind.
When we talk about “ working-class-speech, we are refers to social dialects. The terms ‘upper’ and ‘lower are used to further sudividethe groups, mainly on an economic basis, making ‘upper middle class speech’ another type of social dialects. As in every dialec studies, only certain features of language used are treated as relevant in the analysis of social dialects. These features are pronunciations,words of structures that are regularly used in one form by working class speakers and in another form by middle class speakers.
In Edinburgh, Scotland, for example, the Word home is regularly pronunced
as [he:m], as if rhymnig with name, among lower-working-class speakers, and as [ho:m], as if rhyming with foam, among lower-middle-class speakers. It i a mal difference in pronuanciation, but it is an indicator of social status. A more familiar example might be the verb ain’t, as in I ain’t finished yet, wich is generally used more often in working-class-peech tan in the middle class speech. Studies of social dialects typically report how often speakers in a particular group use a certain form rather tan find that only one group or the other uses the form.
Finegan and Rickford(2004),in American society, the idea of social dialect tends has a strong asociation with the varieties of English spoken by socially ubordinate groups even though, technically speaking, the varieties spoken by socially dominant groups are certainly social varietie a well. The varieties of English associated with thee socially subordinate groups are often referred to as vernacular dialects. The term vernacular language is used to refer to local or native languages of common comunication that contrast with the oficial standard language of a multilingual country.
Part of the reason that the term social dialect is so strongly asociatedwith vernacular varieties is related to the fact that the speach of low-statu gropu in American society tends to be much more socially marked than that of high-status groups. To a large extent, vernacular varieties are characterized by the presence of socially conspicuou and negatively valued structures so called ‘nonstandard dialect structures’. By the same token,socially favored arietie of englih tend to be characterized by the absence of negatively valued,or socially stigmatized, feature rather than by the presence of soccially
prestigious feature. n fact, one posible definition of so-called “standard english’’ charectarizes it as a variety of englih that does not exhibit socially stigmatized structures of english, rather than a variety typified by aby particular set of positevely valued in structurs (Wolfram and Shilling-Estes 1998). Accordingly, the notion of social dialects in American Society has come to be associated with the vernacular varieties spoken by low-tatus groups. The pattening of social differences in language
Different linguistic variables may correlate with social-status groupings in a variaty of way, given varying histories of dialect contact, dialect diffusion, and change in group relation. Fromkin, Rodman & Hyams,(2001), In some differents ways, social boundaries and class differences are as confining as the physical barriers that often define regional dialects. Communication among social groups, however, may be as severely limited as if a physical boundary such as an ocean existed between them. The social boundaries that give the rise to dialect variation are numerous.
They may be based on socioeconomic status, ethnic or racial differences, country of origin, and ever gender. Dialect differences that seem to come about because of social factors are called social dialects, as opposed to regional dialects, which are spawned by geographical factors. However, there are regional aspects to social dialects and, clearly, social aspects to regional dialects, so the distinction is not entirely cut and dried. The Standard Fromkin, Rodman & Hyams,(2001), they refer to the dominant, or prestige, dialect is often called the standard dialect. Standard American English (SAE) is a dialect of English that nearly speak.
SAE is an idealization. According to some languages pundits, deviations from the indefinable standard
constitute as language “crisis”. For many years after the American Revolution, British writers and journalists railed against American English. The fears of the British journalist in 1787 proved unfounded, and so will the fears of modern-day purists. From a linguistic point of view, one dialect is neither better nor worse than another, nor purer nor more corrupt, nor more or less logical, nor more or less expressive. It is simply different. A standard dialect (or prestige dialect) of a particular language may have social functions.
Its use in a group may bind people together or provide a common written form for multidialectal speakers. All speakers who aspire to become successful may be required to speak that dialect even if it isn’t their own. Fromkin, Rodman & Hyams,(2001), said that language and dialects both have been banned as a means political control. Russian was the only legal language permitded by the russian tsars, who banned the use of Ukrainian, Lithuanian, Gerogian, Armenian, Azeri, and all the other languages spoken by national groups under the rule of Russia.
Cajun English and french were once banned in southern Louisiana by practice if not by law. For many years , American Indian languages were banned in federal and state schools on reservations. Speaking Faroese was formaly forbidden in the Faroe Islands. A proscription against speaking Korean was imposed by the Japanese during their occupation of Korea between 1910 and 1945. throughout history many languages and dialects have been banned to various degrees. Then several decades ago, members of regional autonomy movements demanded the right to use their own languages in their schools and for oficial bussines.
justify">In many places in the world(including the United States), the use of sign languages of the deaf was once banned. Children in schools for the deaf were often punished if they used any gestures at all. The aim of these schools was to teach deaf children to read lips and to communicate throught sounds. This view prevented early expsosure to language. It was mistakenly thought that children, if exposed to sign, would no learn to read lips or produce sounds. In recent years in the United States, a movement has arisen to stablish English as an oficial language by amending the Constitution.
An ‘official english’ initiative was passed by the electorate in California in 1986; in Colorado, Florida, and Arizona in 1988; and in Alabama in 1990. Fortunately, as of this writing, the movement appears to have lost momentum. African American English According to Fromkin, Rodman & Hyams(2001): They refer to Afriacan American English (AAE) is spoken by a large population of Americans of African descent. The distinguishing features of this English dialect persist for social, educational and economic reasons. The historicals discrimination against African Americans has created the social boundaries that permit this dialect to thrive.
Since the onset of the civil rigths movement in the 1960’s, AAE has been the focus of nacional attention. Some critics attemp to equate its use with inferior genetic intelligence nd cultural deprivation, justifying these incorrect notions by stating that AAF is a ‘deficient, illogical, and incomplete’ language. The cultural-deprivation myth is as false as the idea that some dialects or languages or languages are inferior. Some people, White and black, think they can identify the
race of a person by speech alone, believing that different races inherently speak differently.
This belief is patently false. A black child raised in Britain will speak the Britsh dialect of the household. A White child raised in a environment where AAE is spoken is will speak AAE. Children construct grammars base on the language they hear. AAE is discussed here more extensively than other American dialects because it provides an informative illustration of the morphological and syntactic regularities of a dialect of major languages, and the semantics differents from the so-called standard dialect of that language. Owens,( 2008)He said.
That African – American English is a “uniform dialect that’s used by African Americans from inner cities of most large urban areas and rural south when speaking casually. In short, it’s the linguistic system used by working-class African American people within their speech community. Standard American English “is an idealized version of American English that occurs rarely in conversation. It’s the form of American English that’s used in textbooks and on network newscasts. Most of us speak a dialect of English or another” (Owens, 2008). describe the basic grammatical distinctions etween African English and Standard American English. These differences include the following: Plural –s in AE it’s not used with numerical adjectives or irregular plurals like: “three cat” and “three sheeps”. In SAE Plural –s is used with numerical adjectives and not with irregular plurals like: “three cats” and “three sheep. ” Auxiliaries to be and to do are omitted or uninflected in AE, for ex: “I going home” or “I is going. ” In SAE Obligatory and inflected are expressed in the
present and progressive form, I’m going home and she doesn’t want toe at.
In SAE, Prepositions are obligatory specific, “I am at home, He goes by bus. ” The pronouns in AE are subjective, objective and possessive confused, “Him go quickly, It him book. ” In SAE, the pronouns have subjective, objective and possessive distinctions, “He gave it to her, and It’s his book. ” In AE, the demonstrative form is confused,” I like those horse. ” In SAE, the demonstrative has a singular distinction, “ I like that horse. ” Conjunctions are omitted in the AE grammatical structure, ”You I go together. The SAE conjunction is obligatory in its use between the last two items, “You and I are going together, and Mary, John, and Carol went. ” In negation, AE uses a double marker and a simplified form, “I didn’t see nobody, and He no come. ” The SAE’s negation uses a single obligatory marker, “I didn’t see anybody, and He didn’t come. ” Finally, The AE’s grammatical structure of word order displays the adjective following the noun “clothes new”, the possessive follows the noun “dress her”, and there’s an omission of the object with the transitive verb, “I want. The word order in SAE most noun modifiers precede the noun: “new clothes”, the possessives precedes the noun: “her dress” and there’s a use of direct object with most transitive verb:AE has adversed affects on the perseption onf most educators. Phonological differences between African American English and SAE Fromkin, Rodman & Hyams,(2001), allmost every dialects of both British and americans English, AAE includes a rule of r-deletion that deletes /r/ everywhere except
before a vowel.
Pairs of words like guard and god, nor and gnaw, sore and saw, poor and poe, fort and fought, are pronunced identically in AAE because of this phonological rule there is also an l-deletion rule for some speakers of AAE like toll and toe, all and awe, help and hep. Consonan cluster reduction reduction is not unique to AAE. It exist optionally for many speakers of other dialects including SAE. For example: in SAE the medual [d] in din’t is often deleted, producing [dint]. Neutralization of [I] and [e] before nasal consonants
AAE shares with many regional dialect a lack of distination between /I/ and /e/ before nasal consonants, producing identicals pronunciations of pin aand pen, bin and Ben, tin and ten, and so on. Loss of interdental Fricatives This is again not unique to AAE, but a common characteristics of certain regional, nonethhnic dialects of english of dalects of english, many found in the state of New Jersey as well as in New York city andd Boston. Syntactic difference between AAE and SAE Syntanctic differences also exist between dialects.
Fromkin, Rodman & Hyams,(2001), They usually used to ilustrate the illogic of AAE, and yet these differences are evidence that AAE is as Syntacticaly complex and as logical as SAE. Deletion of verb ‘be’ In some cases, if in Standard English the verb can be contracted, in African American English sentences it is deleted; where it can’t be contracted in SAE, it can’t be deleted in AAE, as shown in the following sentences: SAE AAE He is nice/he’s nice. He nice. They are mine/they’re mine. They mine. I am
going to do it/ I’m gonna do it.
I gonna do it. The ungrammatical sentences are caused by a conflict of the habitual meaning with the momentary meaning conveyed by at the moment, this time, and today. The syntactic distinction between habitual and non habitual aspect also occurs in SAE, but with verbs others than be. Owens,( 2008)He said. That African – American English is a “uniform dialect that’s used by African Americans from inner cities of most large urban areas and rural south when speaking casually. In short, it’s the linguistic system used by working-class African American people within their speech community.
Standard American English “is an idealized version of American English that occurs rarely in conversation. It’s the form of American English that’s used in textbooks and on network newscasts. Most of us speak a dialect of English or another” he describe the basic grammatical distinctions between African English and Standard American English. These differences include the following: Plural –s in AE it’s not used with numerical adjectives or irregular plurals like: “three cat” and “three sheeps”. In SAE Plural –s is used with numerical adjectives and not with irregular plurals like: “three cats” and “three sheep. Auxiliaries to be and to do are omitted or uninflected in AE, for ex: “I going home” or “I is going. ” In SAE Obligatory and inflected are expressed in the present and progressive form: I am going home and she doo’t want toe at. Latino (hispanic) English A major group group of Americn English dialects is spoken by native Spanish speaker sor their descendants. Among these groups are native speakers of spanish who
have learned or are learning English as a second language. there are also those born in Spanish speaking homes whose native language is English, some of whom are monolingual, and others who speak Spanish as second language.
In addition to their differences between biilinual and monolingual speakers, the dialects spoken by Puerto Rican, Cuban, Guatemalan, and El Salvadoran immigrants or their children are somewhat different from one another and also from those spoken by many Mexican Americans in the Southwest and California, called Chicano English (ChE). Chicano English (ChE) Is acquired as a first language by many children, making it the native language of hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of Americans. It is not English with spanish accent but, like African American Engish, a mutually nteligible dialect that differs systmatically from SAE. Many of the differences, however, depend of the social context of the speakers. Linguistic differences of this sory that vary with the social situation of the speaker are termed sociolinguistic variables. Many chicano speakers (and speakers of AAE) are bidialectal; they can use either ChE (o AAE) orSAE, depeding on ther social situation. Ponological Variables of ChE Chicano speakers whose native language is spanish may substitute the spanish vowel system of English. hen this is donde, several homonyms result that have distinct pronunciations in SAE. chicano speakers whose native language is english may choose to speak the ChE dialect despite having knowledge of the full set of American English vowels. Other difference involve consonants, has Word-final consonants cluster reductin and may also delete past-tense suffixes (poked is pronunced like poke), third person singular agreement suffixes (he loves her becomes he love
her) and Word-final alveolar-cluster reduction (e. g, pronuncing fast as if it were pelled fass). Syntactic variables in ChE
In spanish, a negative sentence uses a negative morpeme before the vern even if anothernegative appears; thus negative concord (the multiple negatives mentioed earlier ) SAE ;i don’t have any money’, ChE ; i dont have no money. Lexical differences also occur, such as the use of borrow in ChE for lend in SAE, as well as many other oftne subtle differences. Genderlects Dialects are defined in erms of groups of speakers, and speakers are most readly grouped by geography. Thus, regional dialects are the most apparent and generally are what people mean when they use the Word dialect.
In 1973, the linguistic Robin Lakoff wrote the first article specifically concerned with woman and language to be published in a major linguistics jornal. Lakoff indentified a number of features that occurs more frecuantly in wome’s speech than in me’s. for example woman “hedge” their speech more often than men do, with expresions like I suppose, I would imagine, this is probably wrong, sort of, but… and so on. Women use tag questions more frequently to qualify their statements. There is a widespread belief that when men and women converse, woman talk more and also that they tend to nterrupt more tha men in conversation. It has also been observed that women are more conservative in their speech style. The more specific reasons that have been suggested are that women use more estandard language to gain Access to senior-level job that are often less avilable to them, that society tends to expect “better” behavior in
general from women than men, that people who find themselves in sobordinate roles(as women do in many societies) must be more polite, and that men prefer to use more vernacular forms because it helps to identify them as tough and strong.
The linguistic Deborah Tannen called the differnt variants of English used by men and women “genderlects”( a blend fo gender and dialect). Variations in the language of man and women occur in many, if not all, languages. Sociolinguistic Analysis Speakers from diffent socioeconomic classes often display sistematic speech differences, even when region and ethicity are not factors. These social-class dialects differ fron other dialects in the their sociolinguistics variables are often statistical innatural .
But social-class dialects diferentiate themselves in a more quantity way. The linguistic William labov carried out a sociolinguistic analysis in New York city that focusedon the rule of r-dropping the we discussed earlier, and it’s use by opper-, middle-,and lower-class speakers. Labov interacted with all manner of people in their own enviroment where their were confortable, although he took care when analysing the data to take into a count ethnic and gender differences.
What makes Labov’s work so distintive is his methodology and his discovery that de differents among dialects can be usefully defined on a quantity basis of rules aplications rather than the strict present or absence of a rule. He also showed the social contest and the socialinguist variables that it governs play an important roles in languages change.
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