Rituals Of Accession And Apotheosis Theology Religion Essay Example

Introduction of the Book of Mormon states that the Lamanites are now understood as "among the ancestors" of American Indians, rather than their "principal ancestors" as originally stated in 1981. Prior archaeological findings indicate that both the Jaredites and Lehites arrived in a New World already inhabited by other people. Therefore, it is assumed here that individuals from the Book of Mormon lived alongside existing Mesoamerican civilizations and potentially assimilated into them, similar to contemporary Latter-day Saints who maintain their identity as members of the Church while engaging with their respective societies.

The current analysis aims to demonstrate that the rituals of kingship, which led to the deification of ancient Mesoamerican rulers, can be found in the Book of Mormon. However, unlike traditional Mesoamerican practices, the Book of Mormon reveals that these rituals were sometimes expanded beyond the royal court to include righteous individuals from all social categories. This elevated them and connected them to a divine lineage, granting them the ability to rule in a magnificent heavenly paradise.

Mesoamerican Kingship

Similar to other ancient civilizations, Mesoamerican kings were closely associated with the supernatural realm and believed to possess divine authority (Houston and Stuart 1996). During the height of Maya civilization in the Classic period, the highest rulers of major city-states held the title of k'uhul ajaw, meaning "sacred ruler" (Houston and Stuart 1996:295).

The question of how 'divine' these rulers truly were is still debated among experts on Mesoamerican culture, but it is evident that during certain rituals, they served as intermediaries bridging the gap between the natural and supernatural realms. Deceased royal ancestors were often depicted as divine beings actively participating in rituals carried out by the

rulers of the time, and the living monarchs anticipated being deified in a similar manner after their death. The rulers rarely, if ever, made direct claims to being living Gods on Earth, but they unmistakably portrayed themselves as being in communion with divinities and emphasized their role as mediators between humans and the supernatural realm (Sanchez 2005:264). There seems to be only one ceremony where rulers or other high-ranking elites could temporarily assume full divinity as individuals (to be discussed later). While the focus of this discussion is on the rituals of Mesoamerican kingship, it is important to note that there were others within the royal court who supported the rulers in their ceremonial activities.

The male rulers of the Maya held a position of supreme authority in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters. They also served as high priests and may have had support from an organized priesthood with ranked offices (Zender 2004) [3]. One important office was the ajk'uhuun, responsible for maintaining sacred books and appeasing Gods in temples. Another significant office was the ti'sakhuun, who acted as a prophet, oracle priest, intermediary between worlds and Gods, and a spokesman for the king (Zender 2004: three). These priests assisted the king in various ritual activities.

Similarly, according to the Book of Mormon (2 Nephi 5:26; Mosiah 6:3; Mosiah 11:5; Mosiah 24:1; Alma 4:7), there was a class of priests appointed by the king or supreme ruler whose roles were similar to those of ancient Maya priests. This suggests that divine kingship ideology began influencing Nephite society around the late second century BC.

King Benjamin's purpose in his statement, "I have not commanded you to come up here that

you should fear me, or that you should believe that I of myself am more than a mortal man" (Mosiah 2:10), may have been to correct his people's misconception. This suggests that the Nephites were familiar with the concept of divine kingship. Additionally, Benjamin reassured them by stating his own humble origins as being created from dust just like his subjects (Mosiah 2:25-26) [4]. It is interesting to note that the Aztec emperor Motecuhzoma expressed similar sentiments when speaking to Dona Marina, also known as La Malinche, clarifying that he was made of flesh and blood like everyone else (Diaz 1963:224). The belief in divine kingship is also evident among the Lamanites, as King Lamoni and his attendants referred to Ammon as the "Great Spirit" (Alma 18:11) and praised him as a powerful male monarch (Alma 18:13). Lamoni and his followers were likely aware that Ammon was the grandson of King Benjamin and one of the designated successors to King Mosiah2 at Zarahemla (Mosiah 29:2-3).

Both King Benjamin and his grandson Ammon had unique experiences that set them apart as holy rulers. While King Benjamin emphasized his humanity to the Nephites in Zarahemla, Ammon had to do the same among the Lamanites in Ishmael. They both had encounters with supernatural beings, qualifying them as intermediaries between humans and gods. This elevated their status in the eyes of the people.

Divine Right to Govern

The ancient Maya believed that their right to govern was strengthened by claiming descent from deified ancestors who were considered historical figures.

On Altar Q from Copan, we witness an actual 'passing of the torch' of rulership from K'inich Yax K'uk Mo, the dynasty's deceased but

deified ancestor, to the 16th ruler, Yax Pasaj Chan Yoaat. By claiming lineage from a divinized ancestor, a king bestowed himself with a portion of his ancestors' divinity through birthright, solidifying his legitimacy as ruler in the minds of the people (Houston and Stuart 1996). In the Book of Mormon, rulers also placed emphasis on tracing their genealogy back to their dynastic founders, often linking back to members of the original group that departed Jerusalem. For instance, Lamoni traced his lineage back to Ishmael (Alma 17:21), King Ammoron traced his lineage back to Zoram (Alma 52:3), and among the Nephites, "the land had been given to none except those who were descendants of Nephi" (Mosiah 25:13).

Despite the end of monarchy, the main Judges and high priests who governed were all descendants of Nephi (Szink 2007). Even Nephi himself, the initial king among his people, explicitly claims to be a son of Lehi from Joseph, the ruler of Egypt (1 Nephi 5:14). Among the Jaredites, Ether traces his ancestry through approximately 30 predecessors back to Jared, their founding leader (Ether 1). King Benjamin, who always upheld democracy, did not trace his own lineage back to an esteemed deified ruler for self-flattery. Instead, he declared that all his people were offspring of the "heavenly King" as they had become "children of Christ, his sons and daughters; for today he has spiritually begotten you" (Mosiah 5:7). On this day at the temple, all of King Benjamin's subjects were bestowed with a divine heritage and could therefore anticipate not only entering but also inheriting God's land (Mosiah 15:11).

Royal Succession

The order of succession in Mesoamerica was an important royal ritual.

Ideally,

the ruler would establish the order before his death to prevent any disputes over the throne.

The best evidence of this can be found in Palenque, where a stucco sculpture from AD 679 provides the pre-accession names of the king's three sons.

The inscription states, "tz'akbuaj, (they) are arranged in order" and "tihmaj awohl atz'akbuij, You are satisfied (that) you put them in sequence" (Stuart and Stuart 2008:162).

Two of these sons eventually became kings - K'inich Kan Bahlam II and his younger brother K'inich K'an Joy Chitam II.

Tiwol Chan Mat, the youngest brother, did not ascend to the throne, but his son K'inich Ahkal Mo' Nabh III did.

The public declaration of sequence order in this case was likely necessary due to the questionable circumstances under which Pakal himself came into power. Among the ancient Maya, royal sequence typically followed a patrilinear pattern, with the throne usually passed from male parent to first-born son. However, there were instances where it was passed between brothers (as shown in the illustration above) or even from husband to wife if no apparent heir existed. The Book of Mormon also reflects a similar system, where sequence primarily favored primogeniture and followed a patrilinear pattern. Nevertheless, examples of rulership passing between brothers and possibly from husband to wife can also be found. For instance, among the Nephite kings, Mosiah1 passed on the throne to his son Benjamin, who then bestowed it upon his son Mosiah2. While initially intended for determination by popular vote, the Nephite office of chief justice swiftly reverted back to dynastic rule that mirrored these patterns. An example of this is seen when "Helaman died, and his eldest son Nephi

began to reign in his place" (Helaman 3:37).

After the male monarch of the land of Nephi was killed by Amalickiah's followers, the queen assumed power until she married Amalickiah, at which point he became the male monarch (Alma 47:34-35). Following Amalickiah's assassination, his brother Ammoron became the new male monarch (Alma 52:3). There is no indication in the text that Ammoron married the queen; it appears that he simply informed her of his ascension to power (Alma 52:12). After Ammoron was assassinated, the throne passed to his son, Tubaloth, instead of reverting back to the queen who seemingly had no heirs from either of her husbands (Helaman 1:16). This sequence aligns with the expected pattern found in Mesoamerican culture. When Benjamin proclaimed his people as "children of Christ," it was symbolic of them becoming inheritors of a heavenly throne.

He assures them that they will be found at the right hand of God (Mosiah 5:9). Furthermore, Abinadi states that those who are redeemed through the Atonement are his descendants or inheritors of God's land. This connection is later reaffirmed in 4 Nephi, which mentions that the righteous are the children of Christ and inheritors of God's land (v. 17).

Temples: The Epicenter of Royal Rituals

In Mesoamerica, temples were the central locations for public royal ceremonies. These elaborate structures were specifically designed to accommodate large audiences (Ringle and Bey 2001, 278). Private rituals, on the other hand, were typically conducted in the seclusion of royal palaces or at sacred natural sites such as caves. The temples in Mesoamerica served as a focal point for ideal models of existence and behavior (Kowalski 2001:16). Kings in Mesoamerica used these temples

to communicate with and influence the gods on behalf of their communities (Kowalski 2001:194-196). Similarly, Nephite rulers acted as mediators between their people and their deity during temple ceremonies. Benjamin delivered the teachings he had received from "the angel of the Lord" to his people during his address at the temple (Mosiah 4:1).

The temple in the Book of Mormon is not extensively described, but it was a gathering place for gospel instruction, sacrifices, covenant-making, and prayer. It was also where God could manifest himself and kings could address their people. In the Maya civilization, temporary structures were built in the temple for public ceremonies to accommodate more people. Wall paintings from the Las Pinturas pyramid in Guatemala depict a king sitting on a wooden scaffold wearing royal crown and headgear. These paintings date back to around 100 B.C., coinciding with Mosiah2's reign when he likely sat on a similar wooden scaffold before his people.

The focal point in scenes of enthronement is always on the key participants, such as the male monarch, a few select members of the royal tribunal, and possibly the Gods overseeing the event. In Mesoamerican royal artwork, common people are rarely depicted and are completely absent from ancient enthronement scenes. However, this does not mean they did not witness the event, it is just never shown in pictures. Ethnographic data collected during modern Maya festivals celebrating divine rulership reveal that communities gather to publicly witness performed rites. For example, during the Quiche Maya harvest festival honoring King San Martin, believed to be the ruler of the world and father to all the Gods, "people from throughout the region gathered at Utatlan, living

in temporary shelters near the temple" (Christenson 1991:3).

Similarly, in the Book of Mormon, King Benjamin's subjects set up their collapsible shelters near the temple to witness the transfer of authority from Benjamin to his son Mosiah (Mosiah 2:5-6). Due to the large audience, King Benjamin had his words written down and distributed among his people (Mosiah 2:8). Likewise, Maya ceramics from the Authoritative Maya period often depict scenes of a Scribe at the side of the ruler, diligently writing in a bark paper book (Reents-Budet 1994:47). [6]

Anointing

The anointment of a new ruler in Mesoamerica began with a private ceremony held in the royal palace, attended by priests, scribes, and select elites. The public presentation of the new king took place later at the temple, where he would be showcased in his full royal attire.

Similarly, in the Book of Mormon, Mosiah was initially designated as the male monarch in a private setting, presumably at the royal castle (Mosiah 1:9-12), and then presented to the public at the temple (Ricks 1998:193). The terms "anoint" and "consecrate" are both used in relation to the rites of kingship in the Book of Mormon, although the specific distinction is not made clear in the text. However, it is evident that someone oversees the coronation and effectively places the king on the throne. While there are no Maya glyphs that have been definitively translated as "anoint" or "consecrate," there is a commonly used expression that suggests a similar concept [7]. The phrase "u-kab-j-iij" indicates a hierarchical relationship between two rulers and is used in contexts where a higher ruler is "overseeing" or somehow responsible for the coronation of the lower

ruler (Stuart 2005:66).

To illustrate, in the Temple XIX letterings from Palenque, the high priest is described as "overseeing" the male monarch's coronation, but actively participating by presenting the ruler with the sacred crown that will adorn his head. Interestingly, the text also explicitly states that this is a reenactment of the pre-mortal coronation of GI (the central figure of the Palenque Triad) under the supervision of the supreme deity Itzamnaaj.[8][9]

Receiving a Throne Name

Ancient Maya monarchs had at least two names: their "youthful" or childhood name, and a new name received upon ascending to the throne (Colas 2003:275). According to Jacob, the Nephite rulers were similarly given a new name upon ascending to the throne: The people greatly revered Nephi, . . .

The people were eager to remember his name, so whoever would rule in his place were called by the people as 2nd Nephi, 3rd Nephi, and so on according to the reigns of the kings. This naming tradition was followed by the people, regardless of their actual names. [10] (Jacob 1:10-11). Maya rulers also commonly adopted names from their predecessors on the throne, often choosing the name of their father or grandfather. Similar evidence supports the existence of a naming pattern among Nephite rulers.

To illustrate, the main judges, Pahoran and Lachoneaus, were both named after their fathers and inherited their positions as judges from them. Similarly, King Mosiah2 was named after his grandfather who had previously held the throne. The new names chosen by Maya male rulers were typically associated with a divine being (Colas 2003:269). Additionally, most supreme rulers also added the prefix K'inich to their name, which referred to the

Sun God. By naming themselves after gods, they emphasized their divine authority and elevated themselves above all others (Taube 2001:267).

King Benjamin implemented a strategy to distance his dynasty from self-aggrandizement and promote equality among his people by giving them new names upon entering into a compact. These names were based on their heavenly divinity, Christ. This practice was similar to Maya male monarchs who received royal insignia upon accession, including sacred objects with symbolic value that were passed down through generations. For example, rulers at Palenque received a flint spearhead and a shield as symbols of war. A significant part of the accession ceremony for Maya rulers was the 'taking of K'awiil,' where they would take ownership of a sceptre in the shape of a snake-footed deity. Although commonly referred to as 'God K,' it is important to note that K'awiil is not considered a deity like other characters in Maya mythology, as he is never depicted as an active participant in mythical scenes according to Classic Maya sources. [11]Alternatively, in iconography, he is portrayed in a more passive role, often depicted as emerging from snakes or being held in the hand of a ruler as a "manikin sceptre" (Stuart 2003:22).

Although K'awiil played a passive role in the iconography, he was connected ideologically to agricultural nourishment and the power of royal dynasty and lineage ( Stuart 2003:11 ) . Among the Maya, one of the king's main functions was to ensure agricultural fertility ( Stuart 2003:11 ) , which may have been seen as an important role among Book of Mormon rulers as well. Similar to King Benjamin, Mosiah2 believed in a hands-on approach

to agricultural fertility, as he "caused his people to till the Earth. And he also, himself, did till the Earth, so that he would not become burdensome to his people, and so that he could do according to that which his father had done in all things" ( Mosiah 6:7 ). Notably, the Liahona also symbolizes concepts of agricultural fertility and kingship.

In terms of time, every time the Liahona was used, it was meant to lead the Lehite party to fertile places. According to Nephi, "we did follow the directions of the ball, which led us in the more fertile parts of the wilderness" (1 Nephi 16:16). They were then led to Bountiful, a place named after its abundance of fruit (1 Nephi 17:6). Ultimately, it led them across the ocean (1 Nephi 18:21) to the promised land, where they immediately started cultivating the land and planting seeds, "And it came to pass that they did grow exceedingly; wherefore, we were blessed with abundance" (1 Nephi 18:24). Although physically different from the K'awiil scepter, the conceptual meanings associated with the Liahona and its inclusion as a symbol of royalty among the Nephites would have fit well within the ancient Maya paradigm.

Among the Classic Maya, there is evidence that specific pieces of royal insignia associated with accession rites could be exchanged for an object that was physically distinguishable but functionally equivalent. This is supported by Schele and Miller (1986:111) (12).

Kings as Mediators

Ancient Mesoamerican commoners were able to pray to their Gods in their own homes, as indicated by the abundance of deity statuettes and shrines found in non-elite households. However, they did not seem to

engage in elaborate ritual activity. In contrast, royalty did not simply pray to unseen divinities; they believed they had the privilege of personally interacting with them, sometimes even elevating themselves to the level of Gods. While they claimed special access to the divine realm, their interactions with the Gods appeared to be on behalf of their subjects. The kings had the power to transcend both space and time in their interactions with the Gods. For instance, at the site of Quirigua in eastern Guatemala, the inscriptions on king K'ahk' Tiliw's stelae connect his actions with events that occurred billions of years ago in mythical time, and his depiction shows him standing on otherworldly place names, asserting that he had been present there (Martin and Grube 2008:221).

Rulers took part in local creative activity mythologies, elevating themselves to the position of gods. A common practice among rulers was to conjure spirits in order to communicate directly with the supernatural realm. This tradition can be traced back to the Middle Formative period (~900-400 BC) with examples like La Venta Stela 2, which depicts a ruler in ceremonial attire surrounded by summoned deities. The practice became more widespread during the Late Preclassic to Early Classic periods (~300 BC - AD 400), as evidenced by stelae from various sites that depict rulers invoking spiritual beings above them. Examples include Izapa Stela 4, Kaminaljuyu Stela 11, and El Baul Stela 1 (Looper 2003:8).

The text suggests that during religious rituals, the ruler maintains their human nature. They come into contact with gods but do not become gods themselves (Alexander 2004:3). Various Nephite rulers, including kings and judges, as well as other members

of the royal family, also interacted with the divine realm. In his early life, Nephi mentions that the Lord personally "visited" him (1 Nephi 2:16), and on another occasion, he was guided by two distinct supernatural beings - the Spirit of the Lord (1 Nephi 11:1) and an angel (1 Nephi 11:14) - through meditation and fervent prayer. During these encounters, he was taken to a previously unseen and unexplored mountaintop and witnessed numerous future events (1 Nephi 11-14) [13].

To put it differently, Nephi surpassed both infinite and clip. Despite coming from an Ancient Near Eastern tradition, Nephi's coronation occurred after he and his people had firmly established themselves in the American land of promise. Certain aspects of his record (written retrospectively) seem to make intentional efforts to justify his right to rule (Reynolds 1991; 1998). Subsequent Nephite rulers had similar experiences. Alma the Younger, who would become the first chief judge of the Nephites, had his initial encounter with an angel as part of his prophetic calling, and further divine visits occurred later in his life (Alma 8:14-18; 40:11).

These supernatural interactions would have been culturally significant, as they would have reinforced to the people that Alma had a more open channel of communication with the Divine than others did (Alma 16:5). King Benjamin explicitly stated that he had interacted with an angel and was relaying the message he had received directly to his people. After his words had deeply resonated within their hearts, the people exclaimed "Use the atoning blood of Christ that we may receive forgiveness of our sins, and our hearts may be purified; for we believe in Jesus Christ, the Son

of God" (Mosiah 4:2). Importantly, it is Benjamin whom they cry out to, not the Lord. Through this statement, the people recognized him as the sole mediator who stood between them and their God.

As the male monarch, he had the authority to "use the blood" on behalf of the people. This statement emphasizes the significant role of blood in ancient Mesoamerican rituals. Since the Olmec era, human blood has been regarded as a precious and sacred substance, with the blood of rulers being considered the most potent (Joyce et al. 1991:2).

The Gods often depicted in scenes of sacrifice where they offer their own blood, often associated with creation. Therefore, bloodletting was a way to symbolically reenact the sacrifices made by the Gods themselves. The shedding of blood represented both death and a source of life. One of the most common rituals performed by Classic Maya rulers was called chok, which means "spread," "sow" or "cast." In depictions, the ruler is usually shown with his arm extended downward, palm facing up or inward, with blood (or incense, its ritual equivalent) flowing from his hand. Rulers would ceremonially pierce themselves with irritants, stingray spines, or obsidian blades to extract blood from their tongues, genitals, or other parts of the body.

The Gods would be nourished and their presence would be made known to humans through the act of burning sacrificial blood on bark paper within an offering bowl (Freidel et al. 1993:204). This act also served as a way to extend the Gods' existence. Additionally, the casting of beads of blood or incense imitated the actions of farmers when they planted seeds and poured liquid offerings onto

the land to appease the Gods (Looper 2003:13-15). The Maya rulers presented themselves as humble farmers (Miller 2001:203), and by performing these sprinkling rites, they connected with the common people while also creating an aura of impressive religious power around themselves (Looper 2003:15). These rituals served to uphold the ruler's role as caretaker of his city.

The practice of offering sacrificial blood was an integral part of Nephite worship as they followed the laws of Moses. Amulek may have been speaking out against the act of self-sacrifice when he taught the impoverished Zoramites that salvation cannot be achieved through human sacrifice (Alma 34:10). It is impossible for one person to give their own blood to atone for someone else's sins...Therefore, it is necessary that there should be