Psychological Wellbeing Model Essay Example
Psychological Wellbeing Model Essay Example

Psychological Wellbeing Model Essay Example

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The article titled "Happiness Is Everything, or Is It? Explorations on the Meaning of Psychological Well-Being" by Carol D. Ryff from the University of Wisconsin—Madison discusses the lack of theoretical foundation in current measures of psychological well-being despite a substantial body of literature on positive functioning. The study aims to operationalize aspects of well-being derived from this literature, including self-acceptance, positive relations with others, autonomy, environmental mastery, purpose in life, and personal growth. A total of 321 participants across different age groups were asked to rate themselves on these measures as well as six instruments commonly used in previous studies such as affect balance, life satisfaction, self-esteem, morale, locus of control, and depression. The results indicate that positive relations with others, autonomy, purpose in life,and personal growth are not strongly associated with previous assessment indexes. This supports th

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e argument that key aspects of positive functioning have been overlooked in empirical research.

Moreover, previous research conducted extensive surveys to investigate who in American society is happy (e.g., Campbell, 1981; Herzog, Rodgers, & Woodworth, 1982; Veroff, Douvan, & Kulka, 1981). Social psychologists have recently shown interest in factors that affect people's judgments on well-being, such as their current mood states (Schwarz ; Clore, 1983) or whether their assessments are based on the frequency or intensity of positive feelings (Diener, Larson, Levine, ; Emmons, 1985). Additionally, psychology has historically focused more on human unhappiness and suffering rather than the causes and consequences of positive functioning (Diener, 1984; Jahoda, 1958). This study argues that there has been a significant lack of attention and theoretical rationale in defining the essential aspects of psychological well-being. Many previous studies have relied on conception

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of well-being that overlook important aspects of positive functioning.

The text introduces an alternative understanding of well-being, which incorporates various theoretical domains. This alternative formulation is then compared to previous empirical research indicators of well-being to determine if theory-based conceptions define new dimensions of positive functioning that were not observed in past studies.

A Critique of Existing Definitions of Well-Being:

While current measures of subjective well-being have been extensively evaluated (e.g., Diener, 1984; Larson, Diener, & Emmons, 1985), these evaluations have primarily focused on assessing the reliability and validity of existing measures. As a result, it is known that single-item indicators of well-being are less reliable when compared to scales with multiple items. Additionally, this literature does not take into account social desirability as a significant confounding factor and acknowledges that ratings of life satisfaction tend to be more stable than affective aspects of well-being.

When discussing psychological well-being, there is often a focus on distinguishing between positive and negative affect and life satisfaction (Andrews ; Withey, 1976; Bradburn, 1969; Bryant ; Veroff, 1982; Diener ; Emmons, 1984; Liang, 1984, 1985; Stock, Okun, ; Benin, 1986). The origins of these dimensions are relevant to this field of study. Bradburn's (1969) work established the initial differentiation between positive and negative affect. This research aims to investigate how specific societal changes at a large-scale level impact individual life situations and subsequently their perception of psychological well-being.

Bradburn (p. 5) stated that the challenge in studying "difficulties in living" lies in identifying the correct dependent variable. He stressed that there are no clear-cut rules for choosing this variable and emphasized its crucial role in scientific research. Notably, he proposed

that the results of a study depend more on intuition and luck rather than strictly adhering to scientific protocols.

This study was funded by the Research Committee of the Graduate School of the University of Wisconsin—Madison. We would like to express our gratitude to Adena Bargad, Tim Blakeslee, Catherine O'Leary, and Stevens Smith for their valuable contributions at various stages of this research. If you have any questions or feedback regarding this article, please contact Carol D. Ryff at the Department of Psychology, Brogdan Hall, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.

In consideration of common sense and historical factors, Bradburn and colleagues (1969) chose to concentrate on happiness as the desired result. They referred to Aristotle's M- 1069 1070 CAROL D. RYFF Scale (Lawton, 1975) to support their decision. These structural analyses still highlight the fundamental differentiation between positive and negative emotions as well as several additional elements such as congruence and long-term positive impact.

The purpose of this brief review is to highlight the fact that the literature on psychological well-being initially lacked a strong theoretical framework. Instruments were originally created for different reasons and later became the standard for defining positive functioning. These concepts still serve as outcome variables in numerous studies that aim to identify influences on well-being and predict who possesses it. Even current attempts to define the fundamental structure of well-being are derived from analyses of these earlier instruments. As mentioned earlier, the main argument of this research is that these previous formulations overlook crucial aspects of positive psychological functioning.

When researching psychological well-being, it is crucial to consider an often ignored body of research. This research focuses on Aristotelian Ethics (1947), which asserts

that the ultimate objective of human actions is happiness (or eudaimonia in Greek). The decision to measure happiness by combining positive and negative emotions was primarily influenced by empirical evidence. Initial studies demonstrated that assessing positive functioning (such as...

The study revealed that the experience of satisfaction after achieving a goal did not lead to negative emotions like being upset due to criticism. It also identified positive and negative affect as distinct aspects of well-being, with their equilibrium serving as an indicator of happiness.

The main observations of this study were twofold. Firstly, instead of focusing on defining the basic structure of psychological well-being, the study prioritized social change. However, there was minimal social change during the one-year duration of the study. An unexpected finding emerged in a study that was originally designed for other purposes - positive and negative affect were found to be separate from each other. Secondly, there is debate surrounding whether eudaimonia accurately translates as happiness. Waterman (1984) argues that translating it as happiness implies equating eudaimonism with hedonism, which contradicts the Greeks' significant differentiation between fulfilling right desires and wrong desires. From this alternative perspective, eudaimonia can be more precisely defined as "the feelings accompanying behavior in the direction of, and consistent with, one's true potential" (Waterman, 1984, p.).

16). Daimon is an ideal that represents excellence and perfection, guiding one's life and giving it meaning. If Aristotle's concept of eudaimonia, the highest good, had been interpreted as the realization of one's true potential instead of happiness, the past 20 years of research on psychological well-being might have taken different paths. Previous empirical studies have not only focused on happiness as an indicator

of positive psychological functioning. They have also produced a significant amount of literature on well-being defined as life satisfaction. Famous measurements in this field (e.g.

, Life Satisfaction Index (LSI), developed by Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin in 1961, served the purpose of differentiating between successful and unsuccessful aging individuals. However, these gerontological research instruments, including the LSI and related constructs like morale, have been criticized for their lack of theoretical foundation (Sauer & Warland, 1982). Despite this limitation, attempts to establish the structure of well-being using these measures continue. Numerous studies have examined different models of subjective well-being, despite the absence of a clear theoretical framework.

Several authors have contributed to the literature on positive psychological functioning, such as Liang (1984,1985), Liang & Bouen (1983), and Stock et al. (1986). They have used multivariate analyses of the LSI, the Affect Balance Scale, and the Philadelphia Geriatric Center Morale for their research. Different perspectives for defining psychological well-being include Maslow's (1968) concept of self-actualization, Rogers's (1961) notion of the fully functioning person, Jung's (1933) formulation of individuation, and Allport's (1961) understanding of maturity. Life span developmental perspectives, including Erikson's (1959) psychosocial stages model, Buhler's basic life tendencies (1935) and Neugarten's (1968,1973) descriptions of personality change in adulthood and old age, also contribute to defining psychological well-being. Jahoda (1958) has offered criteria for mental health that emphasize positive aspects rather than the absence of illness.

The limited empirical impact of these perspectives can be attributed to several factors. First, the lack of credible assessment procedures has hindered researchers interested in these formulations. The absence of valid measures has immobilized their progress. Second, the extensive and diverse criteria for well-being generated

by these perspectives make it challenging to identify the essential features of positive psychological functioning. It is difficult to determine which descriptions should be prioritized. Finally, critics argue that this literature is heavily biased in its pronouncements on how individuals should function, raising concerns about its objectivity.

Ryff (1989a) argues that the previous perspectives can be integrated into a more concise summary. Despite their loose conceptualizations, various theorists have written about similar features of positive psychological functioning when it comes to the characteristics of well-being. These points of convergence among prior theories form the core dimensions of the alternative formulation of psychological well-being focused on in this research. A detailed explanation of these characteristics and their derivation is available in Ryff (1989a). The main objective of this study was to operationalize these dimensions, with a particular focus on self-acceptance.

The prevailing criterion for well-being seen in the previous perspectives is a person's self-acceptance. This is defined as a key aspect of mental health and is also considered a trait of self-growth, optimal performance, and maturity. Additionally, theories regarding lifespan highlight the significance of accepting oneself and one's past experiences. Consequently, maintaining positive attitudes towards oneself becomes a prominent characteristic of positive psychological well-being. Furthermore, many of the preceding theories underline the value of having warm and trusting relationships with others. Love is regarded as a vital element of mental health.

Self-actualizers possess a strong sense of empathy and affection for all individuals, allowing them to experience heightened love, deep friendship, and a stronger connection with others. The ability to form warm relationships with others is considered a sign of maturity. Theories on the developmental stages of adulthood also

underscore the importance of forming close bonds with others (intimacy) and guiding and mentoring them (generativity). Therefore, these conceptions of psychological wellbeing consistently highlight the significance of maintaining positive relationships with others. Autonomy.

There is a significant emphasis in previous literature on qualities such as self-determination, independence, and the regulation of behavior from within. For example, individuals who are self-actualizers are said to demonstrate autonomous functioning and resistance to enculturation. The fully functioning person is also described as having an internal locus of evaluation, meaning they do not seek approval from others but evaluate themselves based on personal standards. Individuation is viewed as a process of breaking away from conventional norms, where the individual no longer adheres to the collective fears, beliefs, and laws of society. Life span developmentalists also suggest that turning inward during later years provides a sense of freedom from the societal norms that govern everyday life. This is referred to as environmental mastery.

The concept of mental health includes the ability for individuals to choose or create suitable environments for their psychological well-being. It is believed that maturity entails involvement in meaningful activities beyond oneself. The development of one's lifespan also necessitates the capacity to navigate and manage complex environments. These theories emphasize the individual's capability to progress and make creative changes in the world, whether through physical or mental endeavors. Additionally, successful aging highlights the degree to which an individual capitalizes on opportunities provided by their surroundings.

The text suggests that actively participating in and mastering the environment are crucial aspects of a holistic approach to positive psychological well-being. Having a purpose in life is also considered part of mental health, as it

involves believing that life has meaning. Additionally, maturity is defined as understanding life's purpose, having a sense of direction, and acting intentionally. Developmental theories that span a person's lifespan discuss different purposes or goals in life, including productivity and creativity, as well as emotional integration in later stages.

The feeling of life being meaningful is contributed by goals, intentions, and a sense of direction possessed by a positively functioning individual (1071). Achieving optimal psychological functioning requires not only possessing these characteristics, but also continuously developing and growing as a person. The clinical perspectives on personal growth consider the need to actualize oneself and realize one's potentialities as essential. Being open to new experiences is a prominent trait of a fully functioning person who is constantly evolving and progressing, rather than reaching a stagnant state where all problems are solved. Life span theories also highlight the importance of ongoing growth and the ability to confront new challenges or tasks during different stages of life.

In summary, the integration of mental health, clinical, and lifespan developmental theories highlights multiple aspects of positive psychological functioning that align with the concept of personal growth and self-realization. This theme closely relates to Aristotle's idea of eudaimonia. Certain criteria for psychological well-being, such as positive and negative affect and life satisfaction, appear to have distinct meanings from these converging dimensions.

The current empirical literature does not give much importance to qualities such as positive relations with others, autonomy, purpose in life, or personal growth as key components of well-being. It is therefore necessary to operationalize these theory-guided dimensions in order to compare them with the existing indexes of positive functioning. This will help determine

whether the alternative approach provides criteria for psychological well-being that are distinct from current formulations. The sample for this study consisted of 321 men and women from different age groups - young, middle-aged, and older adults. By including multiple age groups, the researchers were able to examine how these dimensions of well-being are patterned throughout the life course.

The young adults (n = 133, mean age ~ 19.53, SO = 1.57) were contacted through an educational institution, and the middle-aged adults (n = 108, mean age = 49.5, SD = 9.35) and the older adults (n = 80, mean age = 74.96, SD = 7.

11) Individuals from community and civic organizations were reached out to. The educational levels of all three groups were notably high. Around 60% of middle-aged participants had finished 4 years of college, and nearly a third had completed graduate school. As for the older adult group, approximately 47% had finished 4 years of college, and an additional 30% had completed some graduate work. In terms of health ratings, the older respondents had significantly lower self-ratings compared to the middle-aged and young adult groups, F(2,319) = 3.9, p ;lt; .

Based on the analysis of response frequencies by health category, it was found that 82.6% of older respondents considered their health to be excellent or good, while only 2.5% rated their health as poor. In terms of financial status, most respondents considered their situation to be excellent or good. However, there were differences between men and women, with women generally rating their finances less positively than men, F{1, 319) = 6.

48, p ;lt; .05. The majority of young adults were single, while most

of the middle-aged respondents were married. Approximately half of the older respondents were married. Consistent with age trends, around one third of the older individuals were widowed.

Overall, the majority of the participants in the sample had a Catholic or Protestant religious background. This indicates that the sample consisted of individuals who were relatively healthy, well-educated, and financially comfortable. However, it is important to note that these characteristics may limit the applicability of the findings to a broader population. Nonetheless, these characteristics do provide valuable context for evaluating optimal psychological functioning. In terms of defining the theory-guided dimensions of well-being, self-acceptance is one aspect. A high scorer in self-acceptance possesses a positive attitude towards themselves, acknowledges and accepts various aspects of their self including both positive and negative qualities, and feels optimistic about their past experiences.

The low scorer feels dissatisfied with themselves, disappointed with their past life, and troubled by certain personal qualities. They wish to be different than what they currently are. In contrast, the high scorer has warm, satisfying, and trusting relationships with others. They are concerned about the welfare of others and possess strong empathy, affection, and intimacy. They understand the give and take of human relationships. The low scorer, on the other hand, has few close and trusting relationships. They find it difficult to be warm, open, and concerned about others. They feel isolated and frustrated in their interpersonal relationships and are unwilling to make compromises to maintain important ties with others.

Regarding autonomy, the high scorer is self-determining and independent. They are able to resist social pressures to think and act in certain ways. They regulate their behavior based on personal standards.

In contrast, the low scorer is concerned about the expectations and evaluations of others. They rely on the judgments of others to make important decisions and conform to social pressures.

In terms of environmental mastery, the high scorer has a sense of mastery and competence in managing their environment. They control a complex array of external activities and make effective use of surrounding opportunities. They are able to choose or create contexts that align with their personal needs and values.

Low scorer: struggles with managing daily responsibilities, feels helpless to change or improve their environment, is unaware of opportunities around them, lacks control over the world outside themselves.

Purpose in life High scorer: has clear goals and a sense of purpose, believes there is meaning in their past and present life, holds beliefs that add significance to their existence, has aims and objectives in life.

Low scorer: lacks a sense of meaning in life, lacks goals or direction, does not see purpose in their past experiences, lacks beliefs that give life meaning.

Personal growth High scorer: feels a continuous sense of growth and development, embraces new experiences, recognizes their potential and works towards it, sees improvement in themselves over time, evolving self-awareness and effectiveness.

Low scorer: feels stagnant in their personal development, lacks growth or expansion over time, feels uninterested and bored with life, struggles to adopt new attitudes or behaviors.

A primary goal of this study was to operationalize the six dimensions of psychological well-being obtained from the integration of the aforementioned theories.

In order to better align the assessment instruments with the existing conceptual literature, new measures were created. While there are already inventories that have scales with similar names, such

as the Self-Acceptance scale of the California Psychological Inventory, these instruments were designed for different purposes and do not align with the conceptual definitions used in this study. The construction of the scales and the procedures for assessing them are as follows.

The text explains that the instruments for measuring psychological well-being were used along with other established indexes. The prior literature provides details on the measures used. The construction and evaluation of new measures of well-being are based on the construct-oriented approach to personality assessment by Wiggins (1973). The presence of psychological theory is vital for translating the constructs of interest empirically. The six dimensions discussed earlier are theoretical constructs representing various aspects of positive functioning. The goal is to create self-report instruments that are structured and serve as indicators for these constructs.

The procedures for operationalizing a subset of previous theories, specifically life span developmental conceptions, parallel those outlined by Ryff and Heincke (1983). The process of constructing the scale began by creating definitions for the six dimensions of well-being based on their theoretical formulations (Ryff, 1989a). Table 1 presents these definitions, highlighting the differences between high and low scorers. Around 80 items were generated for each scale, with half written for each pole of the definition.

The items were created by three item writers with the instruction to write self-descriptive items that align with theoretical definitions and are applicable to both genders and adults of any age. The items were then evaluated based on criteria such as ambiguity, redundancy, fit with scale definitions, distinctness from other scale items, ability to produce varied responses, and coverage of all aspects of the scale definitions. More than half

of the items from each scale were eliminated based on these evaluations. The remaining item pools, totaling 32 items per scale (16 positive and 16 negative), were administered to a research sample of 321 young, middle-aged, and older adults. The respondents rated themselves on each item using a 6-point scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Item-to-scale correlations were calculated for all items with all scales using these data. Items that showed higher correlations with a scale other than their own or had low correlations with their total scale were removed. The internal consistency coefficients for the scales were as follows: self-acceptance (.93) and positive relations with others.

Autonomy (91), environmental mastery (86), purpose in life (90), and personal growth (87).

At this stage, each scale was comprised of 20 items, with an even distribution of positive and negative items. The reliability coefficients for the 20-item scales over a 6-week period were as follows for a subsample of respondents (n = 117): self-acceptance, .85; positive relations with others, .83; autonomy, .88; environmental mastery, .1; purpose in life, .

The validity of the scales, measuring well-being and personal growth, is discussed in the Results section. Before presenting these findings, a brief overview of previous measures of well-being included in the assessment battery is given. The respondents were also administered six measures of psychological functioning to compare with the newly developed measures.

Note. All correlations are significant at p ;lt; . 001.
New measures: SA = self-acceptance, PR = positive relations with others, AU = autonomy, EM = environmental mastery, PL = purpose in life, PG = personal growth.
Former measures: LSI = Life Satisfaction Index (Neugarten, Havighurst, ; Tobin, 1961);

ABS = Affect Balance Scale (Bradburn, 1969); SE = Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965); LEVP = Powerful Others, LEVI = Internal, LEVC = Chance (Levenson, 1974); ZDS = Zung Depression Scale (Zung, 1965); MS = Philadelphia Geriatric Morale Scale (Lawton, 1975) instruments were selected because of their prominence in previous studies on psychological well-being and adjustment in middle and later life.
Although the relation between the new measures and the broad domain of personality is also of interest and is an important avenue for future investigation, the present objective was to test the assertion that existing indexes of psychological well-being do not address aspects of positive functioning emphasized in the theoretical literature.

It was important to incorporate measures from the well-being domain, which are outlined in the following paragraphs. The Affect Balance Scale, created by Bradbum (1969), was designed to assess psychological well-being by measuring avowed happiness. This scale consists of 10 items, with 5 items focusing on positive affect and 5 items focusing on negative affect. Scoring involves assigning a value of 1 for each affirmative response to the scale's items.

The positive and negative affect items are added up separately for the responses. The scores are then subtracted, and a constant is added to eliminate negative summary scores. Bradbum (1969) found that the test-retest reliability for positive affect, negative affect, and affect balance were respectively .3, .81, and .

76. Bradburn demonstrated that positive affect was correlated with single-item indicators of happiness from .34 to .38, while negative affect had a corresponding correlation of -.

According to Bradburn's hypothesis, positive and negative affect were considered separate dimensions. This hypothesis was supported by small associations between the

scales, ranging from 0.04 to 0.15.

Factor analyses have also revealed distinct orthogonal dimensions. 2. Life satisfaction. The Life Satisfaction Index (LSI) was created as a component of the Kansas City Study of Adult Life (Neugarten et al. 1961) to assess an individual's assessment of their own psychological well-being. Life satisfaction was defined as encompassing five elements: zest (versus apathy), resolution and fortitude, congruence between desired and achieved goals, positive self-concept, and mood tone.

The Life Satisfaction Index A (LSI-A) is a questionnaire that includes 20 statements that the participant can agree or disagree with. According to Neugarten et al. (1961), the average score on the LSI-A is 12.4 with a standard deviation of 4.4.

The LSI-A scores showed a correlation of .39 with clinical ratings. The LSI-Z, which includes 13 items from the LSI-A, had a reliability of 79. Despite being extensively studied in aging research, life satisfaction's reliability and validity lack sufficient evidence. This is according to Maddox and Wiley (1976) and Sauer and Warland (1982). Self-esteem is another factor to consider.

Rosenberg (1965) defined self-esteem as self-acceptance and a fundamental sense of self-value. His Self-Esteem Scale was originally created for high school students, but it has been extensively used with older adult groups (Breytspraak ; George, 1982). The scale consists of 10 items that are rated on a 4-point continuum ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Rosenberg reported a reproducibility coefficient of 92 and a scaleability coefficient of 72. In terms of validity, he discovered significant correlations between self-esteem and clinical ratings of depression. The inclusion of the Self-Esteem Scale in this study was motivated by its apparent resemblance to the concept

of self-acceptance in the proposed formulation of psychological well-being.

Morale.

The Revised Philadelphia Geriatric Center Morale Scale was developed by Lawton (1975). Morale is defined as a fundamental sense of satisfaction with oneself, the belief that there is a place for oneself in the environment, and the acceptance of unchangeable circumstances.

Originally created to assess morale in the elderly, the instrument primarily focused on those in institutional settings. The initial version consisted of 22 items, but this was later reduced to 17 items in the updated version. According to Lawton (1972), split-half reliability estimates for the 22-item scale were reported to be .79 based on a sample of 300. The coefficient of internal consistency (Kuder-Richardson 20) was found to be 81.

Correlations between the original scale and judges' ratings varied from .3 to 57.5. The concept of autonomy, which was proposed recently, seemed to have similarities with the idea of control that was highlighted in previous research. Therefore, Levenson's (1974) three subscales for locus of control were utilized to evaluate these similarities. These subscales were developed in response to the argument that Rotter's (1966) Internal-External Scale was not one-dimensional but could be divided into different factors: perceived control over personal life, expectations of control over political institutions, and beliefs regarding the impact of internal and external forces in society.

Levenson's subscales were created to assess perceived control over one's life and belief in chance as distinct from control by powerful others. Two studies confirmed the division of locus of control into internal, powerful others, and chance dimensions (Levenson, 1974). Each subscale contains eight items in a Likert format.

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