Political Family Essay Example

of wealth and weakness made the state vulnerable to predatory rent seeking by politicians. Migdal's research (1988, 9) on Third World politics supports this notion, stating that the state's weakness can be attributed to social organizations such as "families, clans...tribes, patron-client dyads" that act as competing sources of authority.

Despite the family's apparent influence and significant role in wider society and politics, many historians, both Filipino and foreign, have overlooked this issue. According to Schneider (1969, 109-110), instead of examining Philippine political history through the lens of elite families, they have primarily focused on the interaction between the state, private institutions, and popular movements. Even social scientists, although acknowledging the importance of the family, have generally failed to incorporate substantive analysis of its dynamics into their understanding of the country's social and political processes. Therefore, social science often diverges from the actual social reality in the study of the Philippines, as noted by Alfred W.

According to McCoy (1994, 1), there is currently a lack of scholarly analysis on both individual Filipino families and family-based oligarchies. Compared to other Southeast Asian societies, there is a limited amount of nondynastic family history in the Southeast Asian regions that can be used as a model for future Philippine research (McCoy 1994, 2). One province in the Philippines that has not been studied in terms of family-based politics is Aklan. Aklan is located in the Northeast portion of Panay Island and is the oldest province in the Philippines, established in 1213 by settlers from Borneo known as the "Minuro it Akean."

In 1565, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi arrived in Aklan and divided the "Minuro it Akean" into five encomiendas, which he

distributed among his farming followers. The arrival of the Spaniards also brought political change and the introduction of Christianity. In 1716, the "Minuro it Akean" was officially declared as the province of Capiz. However, after the Americans took control of the country from Spain in 1901, it was renamed as Capiz. Don Natalio B. played a significant role during this time.

Acevedo, the delegation head of Aklan, presented the initial memorial for the separation of Aklan from Capiz to the Junta Magna led by Commissioner Dean C. Worcester. In pursuit of the same objective, the Aklanons in Congress introduced multiple bills, namely the Urquiola-Alba bill in 1920, the Laserna-Suner bills in 1925 and 1930, and the Tumbokon bill in 1934. Ultimately, Aklan became an independent province with the signing of Republic Act 1414 by President Magsaysay on April 25, 1956.

The province was inaugurated on November 8, 1956, thanks to Congressman Godofredo P. Ramos' efforts (Aklan Directory 2011, http://www. aklandirectory. com/aklan/, ret. 9/16/2012). Political families thrive in all provinces in the Philippines except one.

From Batanes to Tawi-tawi, with the exception of Kalinga, various members of political families hold public posts, whether they are elective or appointive positions. According to research conducted by GMA News in 2011, there are at least 219 political families that dominate the political scene in the country.

Aklan's political history, like other provinces, is dominated by family-based politics. By examining the political history of Aklan from a familial perspective, we can gain insights into our national history. This study aims to understand current political situations by analyzing the history of a chosen political family in Aklan as a case study using a historical method.

This approach helps us see how a political family in a specific province can be representative of Philippine politics.

In contrast to Latin America, social research in the Philippines focuses primarily on the country's formal institutional structures within its political history rather than emphasizing the importance of family and family history. However, various theorists and researchers, such as Wolf, Grossholtz, Kuznesof, Freyre, and Schneider have demonstrated that political families in the Philippines and globally have a significant impact on shaping society's history across political, social, and economic institutions. This study aims to address three key inquiries: 1. How did the emergence of a political family occur in Aklan? 2. How do they sustain their influence within the province? 3. What are their strategies for retaining political power? The value of this qualitative research lies in its examination of the central role played by family-based politics throughout different periods and issues in Philippine history.

This research aims to assist social scientists in their examination of the roles played by families as a crucial aspect of political organization. Additionally, it will serve as a model for future studies conducted in the Philippines. Moreover, the findings of this investigation will provide valuable insights for political science students seeking to understand how political families impact the course of Philippine politics. Furthermore, politicians can use this study to develop political strategies and practices rooted in the historical context of a political family. Finally, this research is a noteworthy contribution to Aklan's political history and offers significant insights for related literature.

Definition of terms: In order to achieve clarity and interpretation, the following terms were defined.

The Case study approach is an empirical inquiry that

examines a present-day phenomenon in its real-life context (Yin 1984, 24).

The Historical method involves the techniques and guidelines used by historians to research and write accounts of the past, using primary sources and other evidence (2012, http://en).

wikipedia.org/w/index.php, ret. 9/30/2012) A political family refers to a family where multiple members engage in politics, specifically electoral politics. These members can be connected by blood or marriage, and frequently, several generations or multiple siblings participate.

(2012, http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php, ret. 9/30/2012) Aklan Province is located in the Northeast region of Panay Island and consists of 17 municipalities. It spans a total land area of 1,817.9 km?.

According to the NSO 2007 census, Aklan has a population of 495,122 and Kalibo is its capital town (source: Aklan Directory 2011, retrieved on 9/30/2012). The study will be conducted from the first semester of the school year 2012-2013 until the second semester of the school year 2013-2014. Specifically, the research will focus on a political family in Aklan Province.

The study will use the case study method to investigate the political history of the Province of Aklan. To gather comprehensive data, the researchers will employ participant observations, key informant interviews, direct interviews with participants, and examination of relevant records, documents, and reports.

Chapter 2

Political Families
The International Context

In most countries, influential political elite families exist. The United States, Brazil, and Mexico are home to many such families. The Adams Family of Massachusetts is a well-known example in the United States and has been extensively researched through autobiographical and biographical studies.

Two prominent families in Latin American politics are the Pessoa family from Brazil and the Sanchez-Navarros’ family from Mexico. Historians in Latin America have extensively

researched elite families to gain new insights into their countries' histories. Gilberto Freyre, a pioneer in this field, argued that consistent historical patterns hold more significance than moments of heroism when examining a nation's past. Moreover, events within a family have a greater impact than commonly referenced occurrences in political buildings and large industries.

In his study of Brazil, Freyre found that the country's most distinctive elite families originated in the sugar regions of the northeast during the sixteenth century. These families combined land, sugar production, and slave labor to establish themselves as "untrammelled power" with unlimited authority and "total fiat" with absolute control.

According to Freyre, the "ethos of contemporary Brazilians" is still subtly influenced by the patriarchal family. To support this argument, he refers to President Epitacio Pessoa, who earned the nickname "Tio Pita" (Uncle Pita) due to his tendency to appoint male relatives to key government positions. Another historian named Linda Lewin also examines the connection between family and national history in her research on the Pessoa family in Paraiba State, Brazil. By the late 1970s, studying family history had become a well-established field in Latin America. In fact, Lewin observes that Brazilian historiography often takes a "family-based" approach when examining political history. This method was popular among historians throughout Latin America as they used family historiography to uncover different aspects of Brazilian political history. Furthermore, Felstiner's essay on kinship politics during Chile's independence movement acknowledges the undeniable importance of family in Latin America. Numerous historical documents demonstrate that elite families like the O'Higgins played pivotal roles in initiating movements for independence from Spanish colonizers in Chile.

A decade later, Latin American historians still agreed

that the elite family played a uniquely important political role in the region. Elizabeth Kuznesof and Robert Oppenheimer (1985, 215) introduced eight essays, pointing out that the family in Latin America had a more significant and active role in shaping political, social, and economic institutions compared to Europe or the United States. They discovered that understanding family relationships was crucial in making sense of social institutions, especially during the nineteenth century. As democracy thrived in young Latin America, elite families actively participated in politics and helped stabilize political institutions, including the electoral system and civil society. Charles H.

According to Harris (1975, 314), the Sanchez-Navarros' family has been recognized as one of the most ancient and powerful Spanish families in Mexico since 1577. The Sanchez Navarro family possesses a "latifundio," which consists of seventeen haciendas and spans over 16.5 million acres—the equivalent size of West Virginia. This vast expanse is considered the largest "latifundio" ever documented in Mexico and Latin America as a whole.

Harris explores various aspects of the Sanchez Navarros' rise to power, including land acquisition, ranching technology, labor issues, and production on their estate. He highlights that while the development of the "latifundio" played a role, the family's extensive network of family connections was also crucial in their commercial and political endeavors. Similarly, in the United States, political families have a long and significant history, reflecting the rich historical traditions of America.

The Adams family from Massachusetts has been extensively researched in autobiographical and biographical studies (Musto 1981, 40-58). Originating in Massachusetts, the Adams political family holds a significant place in the history of United States politics, greatly influencing the nation's progress since the 18th

century. Alongside numerous notable politicians in New England, this family has also produced two Presidents - John Adams (1797-1801) and George Adams (1851-1861) - as well as several ambassadors and literary figures. The upbringing of the Adams family's children and grandchildren emphasized the expectation of public service (2011, http://seattletimes.com/html/nationworld/2004164299_dynasty05).

In the Philippines, influential families possess considerable power and influence over government institutions, much like in other developed and developing countries. These political families have played a crucial role in shaping the nation's past and future. When examining Philippine history, it is essential to contemplate the interaction between societal institutions such as the state, civil societies, the Roman Catholic Church, popular movements, and how they relate to one another. It is also vital to analyze its political history from the standpoint of elite families.

According to Jean Grossholtz (1964, 86-870), the importance of the family-society relationship in the Philippines cannot be overstated. He describes it as the strongest unit of society that demands deep loyalties from individuals and influences all social activity with its own set of demands. However, Grossholtz also notes that the communal values held by families often clash with the impersonal values upheld by larger societal institutions. This conflict has been a point of criticism for many Filipino historians who, on ideological grounds, tend to disregard the leading families and provincial elites in the Philippines. Nationalistic historians go as far as labeling these elites as traitors and conformists to the colonizers. One such renowned historian, Teodoro Agoncillo (1960, 644-645), expresses that the ilustrados, who were part of the country's elite class, have betrayed the revolution.

Renato Constantino (1975, 232), like Agoncillo, referred to the same elites

as collaborators. Jose Maria Sison, the founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines, described them as a small alien element – either rural feudal landholders or urban comprador bourgeoisie, as mentioned by Guerrero (1979, 234-249). According to McCoy (1994, 4), most Filipino biographies, which could be valuable resources for studying elite families, tend to be more like hagiography (idolizing biography) than history. Many of these biographies are sponsored by the family or the individual that is the subject of the biography.

Biographers, according to McCoy, portray their subjects as if death has absolved them of any wrongdoing in society. These biographies serve as a defense against their enemies' accusations, gloss over their deceit and corruption, and highlight their contributions to the nation. McCoy argues that the combination of a weak state and powerful political oligarchies makes a familial perspective on national history significant. In the Philippines, strong families have always played a crucial role in ensuring social survival during times when the nation-state is feeble. Throughout the 20th century, the state has experienced multiple collapses during times of war and revolution. Furthermore, after gaining independence in 1946, the central government of the Philippines lost its hold on rural areas to regional politicians, some of whom became renowned as warlords.

In Philippine politics, a family name holds significant value, as it can provide a strong advantage in polling. Parties often prioritize candidates from established lineages, believing that a well-known name adds prestige and qualifications. To ensure their rise to power, many Filipino politicians rely on their kinship networks (McCoy 1993, 10), which are coalitions formed from a larger group connected through blood, marriage, and ritual. As

elite families bring these flexible kinship ties into the political realm, elections in the Philippines often become a complex amalgamation of coalitions and conflicts, resulting in the appearance of a volatile political landscape.

The text highlights the unique ability of forming an informal political team that assigns specialized roles to its members for maximizing coordination and influence. In the Visayan context, it is common for notable political families in the Philippines to have their political origins in their respective provinces, whether it be Luzon, Visayas, or Mindanao. One such family is the Lopez Family, as described in Alfred McCoy's essay (1994, 429-517) titled "Rent-Seeking Families and the Philippine State: A History of the Lopez Family." McCoy emphasizes the close association between state power and private wealth accumulated by elite families in the country. He suggests that studying a single rent-seeking family in the Philippines can help bridge the gap between western economic theory and the Filipino familial paradigm.

Among the prominent Filipino families, the Lopezes are ideal for a case study due to their historical significance. McCoy's essay explores the family's origins and early traits, starting in the 1870s when the Lopezes become pioneers as sugar planters on Negros Island. However, as early as the 1850s, they were recognized as local merchants. Basilio Lopez, for instance, was a cabeza-de barangay in Jaro and later became a gobernadorcillo.

The growth of the Lopezes' political and commercial influence was parallel to the rise of a national political elite (McCoy 1994, 440-441). The second generation of the family established themselves as part of a regional planter elite, while their children successfully transitioned to sugar milling and commerce in the 1920's. Throughout

the five generations of the Lopezes, the family has produced skilled male and female entrepreneurs and politicians (McCoy 1994, 441-444). However, it was Eugenio and Fernando Lopez who first elevated the family's prominence to a national level amongst their twenty-six hundred descendants.

Supported by Eugenio's increasing wealth, Fernando Lopez was named mayor of Iloilo City for a two-year term in September 1945. He swiftly attained overall leadership of the province, while Jose Zulueta, his ally, became a constant contender. Utilizing violence as a means to advance their interests, his tenure as a provincial politician was marked by these actions. In 1946, the Lopezes relocated their capital and home to Manila, engaging in the exchange of influence and steering clear of violence.

The Lopez family, no longer tied to the land or reliant on provincial social power, began relying on the state, specifically through the presidency, to obtain financial and regulatory advantages that would ensure the success of their corporations. Through their relationships with a series of Philippine presidents, including Quezon, Sergio Osme? a, Elpidio Quirino, and Manuel Roxas, the Lopez brothers experienced prosperity. One of them, Ferdinand Marcos, was elected president in 1965, and despite his own ambitions for the presidency, Fernando Lopez became his vice-president running mate. This resulted in a ticket that combined private wealth with a promise of popular support.

The decision to form an alliance with Marcos was a tactical move that the Lopezes felt compelled to make in order to ensure the defeat of President Macapagal. In the 1965 elections, Eugenio Lopez utilized his financial resources, media influence, and political machinery to help Marcos secure the presidency. Shortly thereafter, Meralco, under the leadership

of Eugenio Lopez, embarked on a significant expansion and diversification initiative. Once again, with the support of the Lopez family, Marcos was reelected in 1969.

In January 1971, a significant break occurred in Philippine political history. This break led to a highly public and acrimonious split. Marcos claimed that the Lopezes were seeking concessions to benefit themselves, while the Lopezes argued that Marcos was demanding shares in their family businesses. The Lopezes launched an offensive against the administration by publishing articles in the Manila Chronicle, revealing corruption. During the height of the conflict, Marcos pledged to eliminate the Lopez family's dominant control over society.

After enduring extensive media criticism for five months, Marcos decided to make peace by visiting Eugenio at his residence in Paranaque (McCoy 1994, 508). In Marcos's declaration of martial law, which occurred sixteen months later, the Lopez family became the primary focus of his "revolution from above." He utilized the same licensing powers that had contributed to the wealth of the Lopez family in order to ruin their fortunes and shift their assets to a new economic elite comprised of his own relatives. According to political scientist Paul Hutchcroft (1991, 414-450), Marcos became the first president, since Quezon, to diminish the independent power of provincial elites by utilizing the state and its armed forces.

Using the threat of force, Marcos enforced economic regulations to achieve his main goal of altering the makeup of the country's economic elite. In Negros Occidental, he established a fresh group of leaders above the local level whom he funded through rents. Eugenio Lopez passed away from cancer in San Francisco in July 1975, while Geny Lopez stayed

imprisoned on serious charges. Ultimately, Marcos did not eradicate the Lopez family's acquired credibility, connections, and expertise (McCoy 1994, 518).

The downfall of Marcos in 1986 marked the beginning of the Lopez family's restoration of their wealth. It is argued that Eugenio Lopez successfully passed down enough capital and skills to ensure his family's continued status among the country's economic elite during President Aquino's tenure. In his essay, McCoy (1994, 431) explains the significance of rents, which sheds light on the Philippines' weaknesses and the strength of Filipino political families. James Buchanan (1980, 7-8) defines rents as restrictions on market entry imposed by the government through regulations.

If these restrictions lead to a monopoly, it has negative economic consequences that include slowing growth and benefiting only a select few entrepreneurs. The competition for such monopolies, known as "rent-seeking" in politics, can result in intense conflict. According to Anne Krueger (1980, 52-57), rents are widely present in many Third World countries. In India, this limited economic activity accounted for 7.3% of their national income in 1964, while in Turkey, import licenses alone generated rents equivalent to about 15% of the gross national product in 1968.

According to Filipino economist Manuel Montes (1989, 84-148), the theory of rent-seeking can be applied in the context of the Philippines to explain how the country's political elites used their power for personal gain after the Marcos era. Montes argues that the economic structure of the country encourages and rewards rent-seeking activities. He provides examples of businessmen who have served under different regimes, such as Soriano, Eugenio Lopez, and Jose Yulo during Manuel Roxas' presidency.

According to McCoy (1993, 429-430), the story of Eugenio Lopez

showcases how he utilized presidential patronage for more than thirty years in order to obtain subsidized government financing and dominate state-regulated industries. As a result, he accumulated the largest private fortune in the Philippines. In the Philippines, the succession of presidents has engaged in partisan politics by leveraging the state's economic powers. This includes granting loans and creating financial benefits to reward political brokers who ensured their election. Behind the executive's partisan utilization of state power, there are political elites who merge public office with private business. In order for these elites to justify the significant risks associated with campaign investments, public office must offer exceptional rewards.

Eugenio Lopez, Sr., was the most skilled entrepreneur in political investment during the Republican era. The Lopez brothers, who were highly successful rent-seekers, established corporate conglomerates that depended on state licenses. As all of their major corporations were essentially a result of the rent system, their commercial success was intertwined with business and politics. This system's legacy is ambivalent (McCoy 1993, 435-437).

Not only in Western Visayas but also in Central Visayas, leading political families have emerged as national actors. One such family is the Osmena family of Cebu, which has dominated the political landscape of the Philippines since the early 20th century. Sergio Osmena, Sr. significantly rose to prominence when he was elected governor of the Province of Cebu and later as Speaker of the Philippine National Assembly during the American colonial period. Although he was eclipsed in power by Quezon's political maneuverings in the National Assembly, Quezon eventually became the President of the Philippine Commonwealth in 1935.

After World War II, Sergio Osmena, Sr. returned to the Philippines as

President to establish his authority over the government in the Philippine Archipelago. Serging, Osmena's son, later became the governor of Cebu and ran as a candidate for the Presidency in the 1969 election against Ferdinand Marcos. The current generation of Osmenas remains politically engaged in both Cebu and national politics.

The Osmenas were successful in their political domination of Cebu unlike their rivals the Sottos, Cuencas, and Duranos who typically relied on force and wealth. The Osmenas achieved their dominance through their exceptional political abilities (Resil, 1993, p. 316). Although they were wealthy, their wealth alone did not secure them votes. Instead, they strategically utilized their wealth to gain political advantage.

Despite not being as wealthy as their opponents with vast haciendas, politicians in the Philippines showcase their skills during elections. Elections hold a significant place in Filipino politics by providing an opportunity for society to reflect upon itself. Citizens become self-aware during this time, where they assess their collective state and history, and make choices regarding leaders, policies, and the future. The democratic space in which diverse values and commitments thrive is most evident when incumbents subject themselves to popular judgment, candidates present their government ideas, opposing views are openly exchanged in public, and voters carefully weigh their options before casting their votes in the polling booth. (Mojares 1993, 319) However, the reality of Philippine politics is far from organized.

During the electoral season, public space is crowded with intensive exploitation of mass media and propaganda techniques. According to Mojares (1993, 319), there are restrictions of thought and action which exist beneath the surface of the diverse and dynamic election process. These restrictions stem from

an underdeveloped party system, elite dominance and ideological uniformity among candidates. Those who lack the significant resources required to mount a campaign are also excluded, and specific issues take a backseat to self-interest. Additionally, there are elaborate forms of terrorism and fraud, as well as the influence of traditional values of power and dependence. Consequently, elections do not provide a truly open field for participation; rather, they serve as an arena where existing limits on participation are reinforced. In Philippine elections, the construction of political reality is typically controlled by the elite or dominant class. This can be observed in the significance assigned to the election itself as a means of effecting political change.

The "state" of the people is acknowledged and reaffirmed as its "subjects" during elections, leading to the nourishment and renewal of the government's system. Additionally, elections tend to solidify the existing system while downplaying other aspects of political work such as mass organizing, interest-group lobbying, and "armed struggle" (Mojares 1993, 320). By their essence, elections offer a concentrated manifestation of ideological domination. The Osmena phenomenon is particularly relevant in this context since the Osmena family's dominance is not solely based on economic power or physical repression, but rather on their expertise in electoral power building. This proficiency grants them a unique identity as Filipino kingpins.

The effective management of ideological practices is more important than relying on superior economic power (as seen with the Lopez family), a system of traditional favoritism (as with the Durano family), a combination of religion and militarism (as with Ali Dimaporo), or systematic electoral fraud, as done by the Marcoses. Understanding the Osmenas requires considering ideology, which encompasses

social meanings and a politician's stance within that realm. In Cebu's electoral contests, conservative politicians have dominated public discourse, which revolves around personalities and issues. The Osmena discourse skillfully combines both personality and issues, with personality encompassing verbal abuse, scandalous exposes, crude humor, and gossip.

The issue at hand is the high mode, which involves the presentation of government platforms or qualifications and social ideas.