Islamic Radicalism and Feminist Theories in Xinjiang, China Essay Example

identities that can restrict women's rights and freedoms.

The treatment of Sugars at the hands of the Chinese state has directly affected how Islam is practiced In Gaining, and how this practice impacts Shrug women Shock 659-661). Furthermore, the experience of Shrug women can be directly contrasted with the experience of Huh Muslims in Central and Eastern China, whose historical relationship with the Chinese state has generally been more positive, and therefore have been less influenced by fundamentalist Islamic practices.

Finally, the impact of women's agency within the constraints of oppressive Habits Islamic practices, and the Institutionalized discrimination of the Chinese government, should be acknowledged as a product of Islamic feminism. A Theoretical Introduction to Fundamentalist Islamic Movements 'Islamic fundamentalism' Is a term that must be deeply analyzed within a historical framework.

In this case, Islamic fundamentalism is a social construction that has Chinese state.

Since 1980, Shrug Muslims in Gaining have experienced a dramatic increase in the number of people practicing the Habits form of Islamic practice and the Hannibal sect of Shari's which is associated with it (Becquerel & Salad 2002; Waite 259-260; Fuller and Oilman 340). Habits Islam is associated with Islamic fundamentalism in Western media because of its rejection of modernist interpretations of width and the Curran, the colonization of Islamic states and its intolerance of other religious groups (Bellyache 119-121; Tallow 2012).

Because of its rejection of the Western values of political society, Habits became the impetus for many political opposition movements in the Middle East against Western colonization and economic dominance after the first World War (Helix 2455). Therefore, Habits and Islamic fundamentalism in general must first be recognized

not only as a religious practice, but as a political vehicle in which alternatives to the status quo can be realized (Bellyache 119).

The label of Habits is generally used to indicate radical or fundamentalist Islamic movements (Barron 2).

The Habits theory of Guarani's interpretation derived from Muhammad bin Bad al-Wabash during the early sass in Saudi Arabia (Barron 2). During this period, the Arabian desert was experiencing a transition from traditional nomadic society to a more cosmopolitan system of governance and habitation (Barron 23). The uncertain economic and socio-political situation was accompanied by a relaxation of strict Islamic principles in daily life (Barron 25).

Within this context, Bad al-Wabash developed an ideology which incorporated a strictly traditionalist approach to Aquaria interpretation into an Islamic political system. This approach emphasized the belief in God's unity and the unity of the Muslim community (mama), which attracted local leaders who sought to unite the peninsula's fragmented tribes (Delano-Bas 11-12). Not only is Habits an ideological movement, but it is also a political movement.

Under this political system, the legal and education system are both governed by Habits ideological premises: "the striping away of an individual's identity, first by taking away other vices that may or may not provide comfort in times of trouble, and secondly, by taking away the importance of any other human or object in an individual's life which because f an attachment may be considered an association with someone or something other than God. " (Barron 32).

Because of the economically and politically unstable nomadic lifestyle of Muslims in Saudi Arabia during the rise of Habits, the colonization of the individual into the religious

group was important to establish a stable and unified political and religious movement for Bad al-Wabash (al-Dashiki 24). Because the roots of Habits are "political and social" in nature, Habits Islam is generally perceived to be incompatible with a non-localism state (al-Dashiki 25).

This presents a serious issue for Muslim minority populations in non-localism countries, such as the Shrug population in China, who experience a major conflict between their identities as Habits Muslims, and their identities as citizens of the Chinese secular state. Nevertheless, the reformation of the Islamic political system under Habits, along with the uncertain political situation of the Arabian peninsula at the time, a political system as well.

(Barron 29; al-Dashiki 23-25).

Since Bad al-Wabash was also a follower of Mad bin Handball's (d. 855) school of fall (Islamic law or Jurisprudence), Habits is also closely associated with the Hannibal sect of Shari's (Commons 12). Like Habits, the Hannibal form of Shari's was a "reaction to the lax spirit of the age" (All 281). Hannibal Shari's, or form of Islamic law, differentiates itself from other schools of Jurisprudence by giving equal importance to width, or prophetic tradition, rather than granting it a secondary role behind Guarani's interpretation (All 281).

Followers of Hannibal Shari's privilege "adherence to the text and to transmitted tradition (nasal) over reason (call).

"(al- Thane 327). This tradition of Handballs constrains the Guarani's principle of jihad, r independent rational interpretation of the Curran in favor of cultural traditions, and is partly the reason why Handballs and Islam is used to condone oppressive religious traditions. Even so, Hannibal scholars at the time of Bad al-Wabash were some of his greatest

critics, not due to his positions on fall, but on the possible interpretations of some of his ideological positions.

For example, the strict emphasis on Tahiti (the 'oneness' of God) and shirk (the sinfulness of polytheism) created a dichotomy between the pluralistic ideals of past Caliphates in the Islamic Middle East, and the stark 'tethering of Habits ideologies (Delano-Bas 12-13). Historically, Islamic empires in the Middle East, including the Muhammad, and Basis Caliphates, and the Ottoman Empire at the time of Bad al-Wabash, adhered to the policy that Jews and Christians (referred to as demise), should enjoy a protected status within the Empire, based on their shared beliefs with Muslims (Delano-Bas 15).

Although Bad al-Wabash did not condone Jihad against the dim population, scholars were concerned that the emphasis on shirk would lead to the persecution of other religious minorities in the state. Moreover, Bad al-Habit's position on fall and his adherence to Hannibal Shari's indicates a large emphasis on the incompatibility of a Muslim minority population with a non-localism state. For Shrug nationalists, the incompatibility of their religion with the Chinese state is a rallying cry for sovereignty and self-government.

As a minority Muslim population in China, Sugars who follow the Hannibal sect of Shari's experience daily conflicts between their political affiliation with Islamic Jurisprudence and their loyalty to a unified socialist state.

The emphasis on an Islamic government within Habits ideologies can be an indication f how the adoption of this sect of Guarani's interpretation has increased so rapidly in Gaining. It is important to note the distinction in international rhetoric and popular discourse between the terms Habits' and fundamentalist' Islam.

In popular

discourse, the term fundamentalist Islam' is used negatively to describe oppressive, traditionalist practices within the Middle East. After the September 1 lath attacks on the World Trade Center in New York, radical Islam has become closely associated with terrorist organizations such as al-Qaeda. According to Reefer, fundamentalist Islam has taken the place of "communism as the newest obstacle to achieving peace, prosperity and liberal capitalist democracy; one that called for an aggressive military response" (52).

Labeling Shrug nationalists in Gaining as followers of fundamentalist Islam', instead of Habits, automatically enfolds Sugars into the the use of Habits as rallying cry for Sugars advocating for political sovereignty from China also socially constructs fundamentalist Islam as a insurgent force.

This further reinforces the popular Western media representation of Islam as an advocate of Jihad against secular states.

The portrayal of the violent demonstrations in Rummy in 2009 by the international media openly labeled the protesters as Shrug Muslims, highlighting the connection between Islam and violent rebellion (Ramey 2009). The label of Islamic fundamentalism has been applied to Shrug separatists in Gaining by the Chinese government, as a way of insinuating their corroboration with 'Islamic terrorists'; yet it has also been created by Shrug separatists themselves as a way to assert an alternative, national identity to the one prescribed to them by the Chinese Communist Party.

The idea of social construction can be taken even further, by suggesting that the actual definition of Habits does not correlate with the Islamic practices of Muslims in Gaining. Edmund Waite suggests that transnational influences in Karakas have contributed to major religious reform in practice and theory (259). However, these transnational influences

are highly subjective, and can lead to a misrepresentation of certain aspects of Islam, especially within the Shari's sect of Habits.

Because Shrug is not an Arabic language, most practicing Shrug Muslims cannot read the Curran, instead relying on traditional knowledge of religious practices to cement their identity as Muslims (Waite 260). This practice makes the Islamic concept of jihad, or personal, rational interpretation of the Curran, difficult to complete. Madras's (religious schools) in Gaining therefore rely on orally-transmitted knowledge from community elders to develop their curriculum and understanding of the Curran.

Furthermore, in 1986, the Curran was translated into Shrug, but the dissemination of these publications has been scarce due to Chinese government control over religious practice in this area (Waite 259). Consequently, Shrug Muslims sometimes Ely on the knowledge of those who have traveled or come from majority Muslim countries to inform their practice and theory.

Waite theorizes that this transnational flow of information was behind Gaining current adoption of Habits Islam and the Hannibal sect of Shari's.

Habits can be traced back to the practices of Abdul Humid in the sass who founded the more orthodox Toque Task mosque in Karakas. During his time as imam, Abdul Humid criticized many of the practices in the area, including prayer and memorial dinners for the dead (Nazi) as having no foundation in Curran or Width (Bayou & Spokeswoman 77-78). Instead of following the Hannah school of Shari's, which is more prominent in Central Asia, Abdul Humid was influenced by Saudi Arabian practice, and instead practiced according to the Hannibal school.

However, there was a large disconnect between Abdul Handmaid's practice during the action of

praying, and his actual teachings, which did not resemble the traditional ideologies of this sect of Shari's. Instead of the more conservative and traditionalist interpretations of the Curran, Abdul Humid advocated for the compatibility of Islam with modernization, and stressed a critical approach to whose reaching did not follow Habits thought (Waite 259-260). The labeling of Abdul Humid as a follower of Habits by Sugars themselves is a misrepresentation of the Habits form of Islam.

However, this misrepresentation is also a manifestation imposed on them by the Chinese state.

The label of Habits has little to do with Guarani's interpretation, and more to do with the association of 'Islam' with fundamentalism' and 'separatism' as interchangeable concepts. The Experience of Muslim Women within Habits and Fundamentalist Islamic Practices By Western feminists and the popular media, fundamentalist Islam in the form of Saudi Arabian Habits traditions, have been associated with the complete elimination of the rights and freedoms of Muslim women.

In many cases, the rise of Islamic conservatism as part of a political platform has led to the curtailment of women's liberties within private sphere, including "marriage, divorce, guardianship and child custody, polygamy, inheritance, standards of behavior, clothing and so on...

" (Helix 2456). For example, in Saudi Arabia, women are not allowed to vote, drive cars, leave the house without a veil or the accompaniment of a male relative or husband (Bayou & Spokeswoman 98, 103-104; Scallion CA).

Helix points out that following the rise to power of Islamic parties in Algeria, Sir Lankan, Egypt, Mauritius, Iraq, Sudan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, extreme measures legislating women's right to vote, veiling, and adultery. These parties also passed

Shari legislation, which literally interpreted Guarani's sugars (verses) that emphasized the inferior position of women to men within the household, and legitimated certain actions, such as wife beating.

This conservative interpretation of Shari legislation refers to sure 4:34 in the Curran (Helix 2456; Ottoman 342).

This sure states that "Men are the protectors/ ND maintainers of women/ because God has given/ the one more (strength)/ than the other", and if a woman is disloyal and disobedient, than the husband should "admonish them (first)/ (Next), refuse to share their beds,] (And last) beat them lightly' (Carder All 64-65). This verse is used by Islamic fundamentalists to Justify the physical and political subordination of women under Islamic regimes.

If interpreted literally within Shari's, it legitimates familial abuse and ultimate control of men over women within the household (Ottoman 342). However, as Arafat Hosannas argues, the errs can (and should) be interpreted differently in order to more accurately follow the commands of the Prophet. Her interpretation states that the verse places women in a different, but equal, place: as the child-bearers of the community. Within this role, women should not have the additional obligation of being the breadwinner for the family (Carder All 65).

Although Carder All criticizes Hessian's argument for failing to provide a Justification for the beating of women, it is important to consider the historical context in which these words were delivered to new converts. In imprison to the harsh tribal conditions of Saudi Arabia during the initial spread of Islam, the language used in the Curran regarding substantive gender equality was extremely liberal and progressive. Nevertheless, the use of this sure in regards to

political legislation contributes to gender violence and discrimination experienced by women in fundamentalist Islamic regimes.

Even though Habits Guarani's interpretation does not condone these practices, the general conservative and traditionalist approaches undertaken by Habits allow for this literal confines of Islamic fundamentalist interpretation of the Curran, Muslim women are automatically discriminated against. Because Sugars in Gaining are a Muslim minority population within a secular state, women do not experience the same religious legislation and political discrimination as those in Islamic states ruled by fundamentalist governments.

However, Islamic fundamentalism in Gaining is rising, and with it brings certain predispositions about the religious rights and freedoms of women within Islam. An article in the South China Post stated in 2004 that the Southern Gaining region was "known for its 3 plentiful: young Muslims following the fundamentalist Habits, Arabic schools, and religious materials on video and audio tapes" (Chou 2004). During the sass, there was a strong revival of Habits madras's in Gaining, attracting more than 10 000 students (Chou 2004).

Fuller and Oilman also mention the rise of Habits in Gaining, although they acknowledge that because foreign visitors to Gaining are not able to carry out systematic surveys on religion, it is nearly impossible to obtain actual statistics of how many Shrug Muslims identify as Habits.

Fuller and Oilman solely rely on anecdotal observations of mosque attendance and strict adherence to traditional Islamic customs, such as fasting ruing Ramadan, a substantial increase in veiled women, refraining from eating pork, and consuming alcohol (336-337).

The rise of Habits in Gaining may also be a cause of the relationship between Gaining and Afghanistan and Pakistan. For several years, Afghans

and Pakistani Habits madras's were centers of Islamic instruction for Shrug youths (Fuller & Oilman 351). Although the US overthrow of the Taliban in Afghanistan and the strict controls of the Chinese government have limited the relationship between educational centers in these countries, and Sugars in Gaining, he possibility for widespread dissemination of extreme Habits doctrines still exists.

The educational influence of the Taliban within Gaining would directly result in the oppression of Shrug Muslim women in their own communities, regardless of political legislation by the Chinese government. Under the Italian's understanding of Habits Islam, women were banned from working, prohibited from attending school, leaving their homes without a male relative and were forced to cover their entire bodies (Smell 2001). Although it is possible for these decrees to become realities for

Shrug women, it is important not to essentialist fundamentalist Islam as the practices of the Taliban. In actuality, the rise of fundamentalist Islam must be viewed within the historical context of Shrug- Chinese political relations. Because Sugars are a minority Muslim population in Gaining, the institutionalizing and structure of Islamic fundamentalism differs greatly from that of the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Historical Conceptualization of Shrug- Chinese Political Relations The historical context of the relationship between Gaining Shrug Autonomous Region and the

Chinese government is extremely important to understanding the conditions in which fundamentalist Islam has been able to flourish.

Originally, Gaining was not considered a part of Chinese territory. It was until the late King dynasty that the Chinese government took serious steps towards formally integrating Gaining into the large amount of political sovereignty. Following a rebellion labeled as an Islamic holy

war by Yucca Beg in 1862, an independent Karakas Emirate existed in Gaining until 1877 (Money 125).

After the fall of the Empire, the King Empire continued to be enable to establish complete hegemony over the territory.

It was not until the victory of the People's Liberation Army (PLAN) in 1949 that the Chinese government turned their full attention to the assimilation and annexation of Shrug territory into the Chinese empire. In August of 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (ICP) formally asserted military dominance over what was then the independent East Turnpikes Islamic nation, founded under All Han Tore (Money 125-126).

At this time, Chinese governmental policies were not overtly assimilation in their rhetoric towards Shrug minorities in Gaining. Early ICP Constitutions regarding the autonomy of Sugars in Gaining proclaimed pluralistic and multicultural rhetoric, and advocated full sovereignty for minorities over their territory, in keeping with Linen's communist philosophy (Money 129-131). However, in practice, Chinese policies were conversely restrictive and destructive.

Predicated on the notion that the Han Chinese model of government and development was "more advanced and civilized", the ultimate goal of these restrictive policies towards ethnic minorities in Gaining was to assimilate them into the Communist movement (Money 131). Early ICP Constitutions For the Chinese Communist Party, the Law on Regional National Autonomy (LORAN), is the most "far-reading legislation to date addressing the system of regional autonomy' (Money 139).

The LORAN takes a pluralistic approach to ethnic minorities in China by giving Sugars in Gaining the "right to control their own policies on education (Articles 36-37), cultural development (Article 38), technological/scientific advancement (Article 39), medical and health services (Article 40), sports and physical

fitness (Article 41), inter-regional cultural exchanges (Article 42), and environmental protection (Article 45). (Money 41). These laws exemplify the legal and political autonomy of Gaining.

However, these policies are not the multicultural ideals that they seem to be.

Firstly, within the 1982 Constitution and the LORAN, the premise of autonomy in the laws is always followed by a reassertion of government control over the territory. For example, Money points out that Article 4 reads that "regional autonomy is practiced in areas where people of minority nationalities live in concentrated communities; in these areas are inalienable parts of the People's Republic of China. ' The sentence is quickly followed y 'All the national autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the People's Republic of China. " (Money 137).

In reality, the Chinese government does not consider its autonomous regions to be autonomous at all; rather, the concept of autonomy for the Communist party undermines ideologies of unity that are central to the functioning of a socialist state. Furthermore, the law states that the appointment or election of local administration for the financial, educational, scientific, cultural, public health and physical culture affairs are subject to approval by the central government. Instead of recognizing the already limited self-government of the territory, these policies assert the dominance are blatantly ignored.

For example, Article 12 of the 1982 Constitution and Article 37 of the 1984 Constitution both advocate the use minority languages during classroom instruction and the production of textbooks and other teaching materials in these languages (Gross 98-99).

However, in practicality, few textbooks were printed in Shrug, and were limited to social sciences and humanities. Changes in Shrug script from

Arabic to Cyrillic to Latin and then to Arabic "hindered the development of diagonal materials written directly in local languages" (Dwyer 36; Gross 98).

The lack of written materials, regardless of whether they were religious materials or not, undermines the capability for Shrug Muslims to practice their faith. The inconsistent nature of their script and lack of literary history in the 20th century means that even if religious materials could be published freely, the educational infrastructure needed is not present. Therefore, Islamic practices in Gaining are largely transmitted orally, which allows Islamic practices to become distorted through coal power relations and 'hearsay' evidence.

Even though Sugars in Gaining had the right to practice and teach their own language in government-sponsored classrooms, they seldom had the resources to be able to put into practice the multicultural policies set out by the Chinese government.

In 1956, Mao Sedona announced the Great Leap forward: an initiative to radically collective China's agricultural sector, in order to fuel the industrialization of urban centers and 'catch up' to the West (Milliard & Turns 93).

The Great Leap Forward in Gaining was characterized by policies of rapid cultural homogeneities, where ethnicity itself became an 'obstacle to progress' (Boning 19). The 'blending of all the nationalities', as proclaimed by the Chinese Communist Party, was critical to the socialist movement and ultimate development of Gaining (Milliard & Turns 94). In Gaining, the attacks on Islam and other 'backward customs' began well before the Cultural Revolution had overtaken the rest of the country in zealous fervor. After policies relaxed because of the famine, so did the cultural attacks in Gaining.

However, government policies implemented during

the Cultural Revolution severely pressed the rights of Sugars in Gaining, resulting in violent factional struggles in the region.

Sensing he was loosing the faith and respect of the Chinese people, Mao called upon the youth of the People's Republic of China to begin a new ideological revolution and violent class struggle against what supposed capitalists and bourgeois members of society. In Gaining, the regional Party Committee was replaced by Beijing officials, who were appointed to the Cultural Revolutionary Small Group.

This group governed Gaining during the revolution and targeted non-Han cultures for assimilation and reform. During this time, an influx of Red Guards filled the region, destroying artifacts and forcing Sugars to forgo traditional dress in favor of Mao suits, to shave their beards, and to raise and eat pork (Boning 20). Furthermore, Imams were persecuted, Quasar's were burned, and mosques destroyed.

Shrug Muslim intellectuals suffered the most punishment and there are repeated cases of Muslim scholars being tortured.

Moreover, during the Cultural Revolution, minority languages were not taught at all. Speaking of minority languages and traditional cultural practices were discouraged in order to eliminate the threat of 'backwards ultras' that minorities in Gaining posed to the unity of the PRE. According to progress" (Boning 37). These assimilation policies directly targeted the practice of Islam in Gaining because for Mao and the Red Guards, adherence to a religious belief undermined a citizen's loyalty to the Chinese goal of a utopian socialist state.

After the Cultural Revolution, tensions between Han and Shrug citizens calmed down, and the multicultural rhetoric of Chinese policy was restored. Recently however, the tensions between Shrug Muslims and the Chinese government

have escalated in Gaining. The popularization of Han and Shrug ethnicities is reflected in recent violent riots and protests, which the ICP defines as terrorist activities'. However, these activities are seen as nationalist protest demonstrations by Sugars for greater preservation of their ethnic identity.

Islamic revival and re-emergence of Shrug languages and traditional forms of teaching are regarded as the vehicle for this preservation.

Since 1980, bombing, riots and protests have become regular occurrences in Gaining, especially in the capital city of Rummy and the border city of Karakas. Many believe that Eden Spooning 1978 economic reforms and relaxation of sanitation policies under his rule contributed to an "airing of grievances and a wave of student demonstrations" (Steele 5).

The 'Strike Hard' campaign, launched by the ICP in 1996, was established to control so-called 'separatist activities' in Gaining (Steele 6). This campaign has been hailed as a bringing stability to Gaining, yet it has not succeeded in dissolving the popularization and tension in the region. Instead, the Strike Hard campaign has fuelled the popularization of Sugars and Han ethnicities, as reports of group sentencing, confession by torture, and inadequate legal counsel, intricate to the conviction of those who are only suspected of engaging in what the Chinese government defines as terrorism'.

This definition can be largely ambiguous, and is mainly used to target imams and mosques in Gaining through an assumption that there is an inherent connection between separatist activities and religious fanaticism (Steele 6, The Strike Hard campaign is a combination of a paternalistic "Han man's burden" narrative, meant to subdue and civilize what are seen as displays of uncivilized barbarism, and aggressive, authoritarian

control of Gaining (Money 134).

The Strike Hard Campaign also makes a direct connection teen Islam in Gaining and separatist demonstrations labeled as terrorist activities'. For the Chinese government, the association of Sugars with Islam undermines their loyalty and devotion to the socialist goals set out by the state. The incompatibility of Islam with the Chinese state has recently resulted in policies that directly affect the religious freedoms of Shrug women.

Within the institutionalized system of discrimination against Shrug ethnic minorities, Shrug women embody further oppression due to the complex internationality of their gender and ethnicity. For example, because religious activities in Gaining are viewed by the Chinese state to be a vehicle for political dissent, mosques and imams are monitored closely by the government, and Sugars under the age of 18, as well as women, are restricted from entering the mosque (Fuller & Oilman 337).

There are no alternative venues or opportunities for women to practice their faith outside their home (US Commission on Religious Freedom 76). This further removes Shrug women from the public sphere and eliminates the ability for women to pursue avenues of collective action. Because of the rise of women to have the protection of the state and the political capability to gather publicly for religious practices. By forcing women's religious movements underground, the Chinese state directly legitimates the political and religious subordination of women.

The illegality of public religious gatherings for women also constrains avenues for effective political and religious counter-movements by women that would raise the standards of gender equality within fundamentalist Islamic practices, and in the Chinese State. Shrug women are products of the socially constructed identities

of "Chinese", "communist", "Shrug" and "Muslim", and that these identities can be used to further oppress disadvantaged women.

The burden of oppression is not solely placed on women by Islamic fundamentalists, as toted by mass media representations of the oppressive policies of Habits towards women, but also by the actions and policies of the Chinese state. The historical conceptualization of Gaining as an area of intense ethnic conflict and an oppressed minority Muslim population is critical to understand the different layers of impact that the rise of Islamic fundamentalism has on women in particular.

The historical oppression experienced by Shrug Muslims in Gaining during the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, and the Strike Hard Campaign expatriation's affected Shrug women, and have contributed to an institutionalized political and religious system that places Shrug Muslim women within a normalized space. In order to best analyze the internationalist's of oppression which govern the lives of Shrug women, Maria Chooks framework for a feminist understanding of violence should be used.

This framework considers how ideology, state structure, and family institution engender and legitimate women's subordinate position in relation to men Shock 657).

Within this framework, any actions or ideas that contribute to the normalization of women in society is insider gender-based violence, and imposes on women's right to "self constitution" Shock 657). However, within this concept of gender based violence, especially regarding religion, it is important to recognize the space in which women can assert their own agency and autonomy.

For example, feminist academics such as Bratty have argued that religion can be used as a "site of subversion and of challenge to the "tyranny' of reductionism, developmental

ideologies where social and economic progress are equated with progress toward secularity and dismantling of religious structures" Shock 656-657). With regard to the Chinese example of minority Muslim populations, fundamentalist religion as a challenge to the dominant discourse of development is a legitimate strategy.