History Chapter 22 Test Questions – Flashcards

That America should act as the protector of the interests of Cuba; that America should be responsible for the welfare of the people, politically, mentally, and morally. In return, we are allowed a portion of their crops and whatnot. Also, there is no distrust in the Cubans for the Americans, and that the Cubans are grateful for America's intervention.

He was the Military Governor of Cuba and more or less controlled Cuba. His reports captured the journey of the U.S from a developing nation to a world power. Plans for economic expansion, a belief in national mission, a sense of responsibility to help others, scarcely hidden religious impulses and racist convictions - all combined in an uneasy mixture of self-interest and idealism.

Through paternalistic or humanitarian instincts to improve Cuba's economy, schools, and sanitation while at the same time naturally making American business the beneficiaries of this reorganization of Cuban constitutional convention. They tended to use "conquest, colonization, and territorial expansion unequalled by any other people in the nineteenth century", some prefered to use extensive trade to maintain influence and investments rather than military occupation. Others advocated a cultural expansionism in which the nation exported its ideals and institutions.

It had to do with Social darwinism. in that it was a pervasive belief in racial inequality and in the superiority of people of English, or Anglo-Saxon, descent.

Men: Some Americans endorsed expansion as consistent with their ideals of masculinity, Forceful expansion would be a manly course, relying on building strength and honor among American males. Women: They, in particular, organized foreign missionary societies and served in the missions. They pursued a religious transformation that often resembled a cultural conversion, for they promoted trade, developed business interests, and encouraged westernization through technology and education as well as religion.

It often resembled a cultural conversion, for they promoted trade, developed business interests, and encouraged westernization through technology and education as well as religion.

Social Darwinism had a part in it. As European nations expanded into Asia and Africa in the 1880s and 1890s, seeking colones, markets, and raw materials, these advocates argued, the U.S. had to adopt similar policies to ensure national success.

The conviction, following the ideas advanced by Alfred Thayer Mahan, that U.S. security required a strong navy and economic and territorial expansion.

Mahan proposed that the U.S. build a canal across the Isthmus of Panama to link its coasts, acquire naval bases in the Caribbean and the Pacific to protect the canal, and annex Hawaii and other Pacific islands to promote trade and service the fleet, U.S. must "cast aside the policy of isolation which befitted her infancy", Mahan declared, and "begin to look outward."

No, its origins went back to 1881, when Congress established the Naval Advisory Board, which successfully lobbied for larger naval appropriations. This larger navy, in turn, demanded strategic bases and coaling stations.

Nearly all Americans favored economic expansion through foreign trade, Such a policy promised national prosperity: more markets for manufacturers and farmers, greater profits for merchants and bankers , more jobs for workers.

The U.S. had long aggressively fostered AMerican trade, especially in Latin America and East Asia. As early as 1844, U.S. had negotiated a trade treaty with China, and ten years later a squadron under Commodore Matthew Perry had forced the Japanese to open their ports to American products. In the late 19th century, the dramatic expansion of the economy caused many AMericans to favor more government action to open foreign markets to American exports.

These two secretaries of state laid the foundation for a larger and more aggressive U,S, role in the world affairs. Seward possessed an elaborate imperial vision, based on his understanding of commercial opportunities, strategic necessities and national destiny, His interest in opening East Asia to American commerce and establishing American hegemony over the Caribbean anticipated the subsequent course of American expansion. Seward purchased Alaska from Russia in 1867, approved the navy's occupation of the Midway Islands in the Pacific, pushed AMerican trade on a reluctant Japan, and repeatedly tried to acquire Caribbean naval bases. His policy for expansion, as one observer noted, "went too far and too fast for the public," and many of his plans fizzled. Blaine was an equally vigorous, if inconsistent, advocate of expansion, He worked to extend what he called America's "commercial empire" in the Pacific and to ensure U.S, sovereignty over any canal in Panama, insisting that it be a "purely American waterway to be treated as part of our own coastline. He also attempted to induce Latin American nations to import manufactured products from the U.S. rather than Europe; but, wary of economic subordination to the colossus of the north, they rejected Blaine's plans.

Many Republicans strongly supported annexation, which they regarded as merely the first step toward making the Pacific "an American ocean, dominated by American commercial enterprise for all time." Some also invoked racial imperialism, maintaining that annexation would both fittingly reward the enterprising white residents of Hawaii and proved an opportunity to civilize native Hawaiians. Democrats generally opposed annexation. They doubted, as Missouri Senator George Vest declared, whether the U.S. should desert its traditional principles and "venture upon the great colonial system of the European powers." The Hawaiian episode of 1893 thus foreshadowed the arguments over imperialism at the end of the century and emphasized the policy differences between Democrats and the uncreasingly expansionist Republicans.

In 1891, American Sailors on shore leave in Chile became involved in a drunken brawl that left two of the dead, seventeen injured, and dozens in jail. Encouraged by a combative navy, President Harrison threatened military retaliation against Chile, provoking and outburst of bellicose nationalism in the U.S. Harrison relented only when Chile apologized and paid an indemnity. A few years later, the U.S. again threatened war over a minor issue but against a more formidable opponent. In 1895, President Cleveland intervened in a boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela over British Guiana, Cleveland was motivated not only by the long-standing U,S, goal of challenging Britain for Latin American markets but also by ever more expansive notions of the Monroe Doctrine and the authority of the U.S. He urged congress to establish a commission to determine the boundary and enforce its decision by war if necessary. As war fever swept the U.S., Britain agreed to U.S. arbitration, recognizing the limited nature of the issue that so convuled Anglo-American relations. Cleveland's assertion of U.S. hemispheric dominance angered Latin Americans, and their fears deepened when the U.S. decided arbitration terms with Britain without consulting Venezuela, which protested before bowing to American pressure. The U.S. had intervened less to protect Venezuela from the British bully than to advance its own hegemony.

America became increasingly assertive in its foreign affairs and often used the Monroe Doctrine as a justification to watch over the Western Hemisphere. U.S. slowly stepped away from isolation and took steps to advance its own hegemony.

Cuba held an economic potential that attracted American business interests and a strategic significance for any Central American canal. Plus, they sympathized with the Rebel's yearn for freedom.

Many sympathized with the Cuban rebels' yearn for freedom, others worried that disorder in Cuba hreated their own economic and political interests, and some thought that intervention would increase the influence of the U.S. in the Caribbean and along key Pacific routes to Asian markets.

In his 1897 inaugural address, President William Mckinley outlined an expansionist program ranging from further enlargement of the bay to the annexation of Hawaii and the construction of a central American canal, but his administration soon focused on Cuba. Personally opposed to military intervention, McKinley first used diplomacy to press Spain to adopt reforms that would settle the rebellion. When the U.S. battleship Maine blew up in Havana harbor in February 15, 1898, popular anger was inflamed, but the sinking didn't bring war, though it did restrict McKinley's options and pressure him to be more assertive toward Spain. Increasingly, business interests favored war as less disruptive than a volatile peace that threatened their investments. At the end of March 1898, McKinley sent Spain an ultimatum, He demanded an armistice in Cuba, an end to the reconcentration policy, and the acceptance of American arbitration, which implied Cuban independence. Most interventionists were not imperialists, and Congress added the Teller Amendment to the war resolution, disclaiming any intention of annexing Cuba and promising that Cubans would govern themselves.

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They agreed to most of the demands, such as the then do the re-concentration policy, brutal military tactics, and an armistice in Cuba, but refused to acknowledge Cuban independence.

Because Spain refused to acknowledge Cuban independence, he began war preparations and submitted a war message to Congress on April 11, asking for authority to use force against Spain.

Congress added the Teller Amendment to the war resolution, disclaiming any intention of annexing Cuba and promising that Cubans would govern themselves.

Once war was declared, Commodore George Dewey led the U.S. Asiatic squadron into Manila Bay and destroyed the much weaker Spanish fleet on May 1, 1898. This dramatic victory galvanized expansionist sentiment in the U.S. With Dewey's triumph, exalted one expansionist, "We are taking our proper rank among the nations of the world. We are after markets, the greatest markets now existing in the world."

Military victory also came swiftly in Cuba, since the U.S. Army finally landed in late June. Victory came despite bureaucratic bungling in the War Department, which left the army poorly led, trained, and supplied. Although the Rough Riders captured public attention, other units were more effective. The 10th Negro Cavalry, for example, played the crucial role in capturing San Juan Hill, a battle popularly associated with the Rough Riders. U.S. naval power again proved decisive. In a lopsided battle on July 3, the Spanish Squadron in Cuba was destroyed, isolating the Spanish army and guaranteeing its defeat.

The armistice required Spain to accept Cuban independence, cede Puerto Rico and Guam (a Pacific Island between Hawaii and the Philippines) to the U.S. and allow the Americans to occupy Manila, pending the final disposition of the Philippines at a formal peace conference.

Imperialists invoked the familiar arguments of economic expansion national destiny and strategic necessity, while asserting that Americans had religious and racial responsibilities to advance civilization by uplifting backward people. McKinley defended his decision to acquire the Philippines with self-righteous imperialist rhetoric, promising to extend Christian influence and American values. But he was motivated primarily by a determination to use the islands to strengthen America's political and commercial position in East Asia. Opponents of the treaty raised profound questions about national goals and ideals. They included prominent figures such as civil-service reformer Carl Schurz, the steel baron Andrew Carnegie, the social reformer Jane Addams, the labor leader Samuel Gompers, and the author Mark Twain. Their organization base was the Anti-Imperialist League, which campaigned against the treaty, distributing pamphlets, petitioning Congress, and holding rallies. The League's criticism reflected a conviction that imperialism was a repudiation of the moral and political traditions embodied in the Declaration of Independence. The acquisition of oversea colonies, they argued, conflicted with the nation's commitment to liberty and its claim to moral superiority.

What was initially positive, decreased drastically as the American Officials acted in an increasingly imperious manner towards them, first refusing to meet with the "savages" and then ridiculing Emilio Aguinaldo, the Filipino leader, and his "so-called government". Mounting Tensions erupted in a battle between American and Filipino troops outside Manila on Feb. 4, 1899.

The "white man's burden" played a large role as white people felt that it was their duty to subjugate the "inferior races". The overt racism of the war repelled African Americans. John Mitchell, a Virginia editor, condemned all the talk of "white man's burden" as deceptive rhetoric for brutal acts that couldn't be "defended either in moral or international law." The Anti-Imperialist League revived, citing the war as proof of the corrosive influence of imperialism on the nation's morals and principles. Women figured prominently in mass meetings and lobbying efforts to have the troops returned, their moral stature further undercutting the rationale for colonial wars.

Regions dominated and controlled by an outside power, such as European nations or Japan.

Other nations replied evasively, except for Russia, which rejected the Open Door concept. In 1900, an anti-foreign Chinese nationalist movement known as the Boxers laid siege to the diplomatic quarter in Beijing.

In the Treaty of Portsmouth in 1905, Japan won control of Russia's sphere of influence in Manchuria, half of Russian island of Sakhalin, and recognition of its domination of Korea. The treaty marked Japan's emergence as a great power, but, ironically, it worsened relations with the U.S. Anti-American riots broke out in Tokyo. The Japanese people blamed Roosevelt for obstructing further Japanese gains and blocking a Russian indemnity that would've helped Japan pay for the war. Tensions were further aggravated by San Francisco's decision in 1906 to segregate Asian and white schoolchildren. Under the Gentlemen's Agreement, worked out through a series of diplomatic notes in 1907 and 1908, Japan agreed to deny passports to workers trying to come to the U.S., and the U.S. promised not to prohibit Japanese immigration overtly or completely. Although this didn't mend the deteriorating relationship.

In Latin America, where no major power directly challenged American objectives as Japan and Russia did in Asia, the U.S. was more successful in exercising imperial power. In the two decades after the Spanish-American War, the U.S. intervened militarily in Latin America no fewer than 20 times to promote its own strategic and economic interests.

Although a military government improved transportation and sanitation and developed public health and education, it, to the dismay of Puerto Ricans, who had been promised that American rule would bestow "the advantages and blessings of enlightened civilization," their political freedom was curtailed. Economic development also disappointed most islanders, for American investors quickly gained control of the best land and pursued large-scale sugar production for the U.S. market.

Despite the Teller Amendment, the Spanish-american War didn't leave Cuba independent. McKinley opposed independence and distrusted the rebels. Many Americans considered Cubans racial inferiors. Only in 1900, when the Democrats made an issue of imperialism, did McKinley move toward permitting a Cuban government, He summoned a Cuban convention to draft a constitution under the direction of the American military governor, General Leonard Wood. Reflecting the fear of Cuban autonomy, the constitution restricted suffrage o n the basis of property and education, leaving few Cubans with the right to vote. Even so, before removing its troops, the U.S. wanted to ensure its control over Cuba. It therefore made U.S. withdrawal contingent on Cuba's adding to its constitution the provisions of the Platt Amendment. It restricted Cuba's autonomy in diplomatic relations with other countries and in internal financial policies, required Cuba to lease naval bases to the U.S., and most important, authorized U.S. intervention to maintain order and preserve Cuban independence.

The Spanish-American War intensified the long American interest in a canal through Central America to eliminate the length and dangerous ocean route around South America. Its commercial value seemed obvious, but the war emphasized its strategic importance. McKinley declared that a canal wa now "demanded by the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands and the prospective expansion of our influence and commerce in the Pacific." Theodore Roosevelt moved quickly to implement McKinley's commitment to a canal after becoming president in 1901. Roosevelt's canal diplomacy helped establish the assertive presidency that largely characterized U.S. foreign policy ever since. Roosevelt, furious that Columbia had rejected his proposal that Columbia sell a canal zone for $10 million and an annual payment of $250,000 out of fear of loss of sovereignty in Panama and hoping for more money, wrote a message to Congress proposing military action to seize the isthmus of Panama. Instead of using direct force, however, Roosevelt worked with Philippe Bunau-Varilla, a french official of the Panama Canal Company, to exploit long-smoldering Panamanian discontent with Colombia. His purpose was to get the Canal Zone, Bunau-Varilla's was to get money. Roosevelt ordered U.S. naval forces to Panama; from New York, Bunau-Varilla coordinated a revolt against Colombian authority directed by officials of the Panama Railroad, owned by Bunau-Varilla's canal company. The bloodless "revolution" succeeded when U.S. forces was bound by treaty to maintain Colombian sovereignty in the region. Bunau-Varilla promptly signed a treaty accepting Roosevelt's original terms for a canal zone and making Panama a U.S. protectorate, which it remained until 1939.

Many Americans were appalled by what the Chicago American called Roosevelt's "rough riding assault upon another republic over the shattered wreckage of international law and diplomatic usage." But others, as Public Opinion reported, wanted a "canal above all things" and were willing to overlook moral questions and approve the acquisition of the canal zone as simply "a business question." Roosevelt himself boasted, "I took the Canal Zone and let Congress debate," but his actions generated resentment among Latin Americans that rankled for decades.

To protect the security of the canal, the U.S. increased its authority in the Caribbean, The objective was to establish conditions there that would both eliminate any pretext for European intervention and promote American control over trade and investment. Towards that end, in 1904, Roosevelt announced a new policy, the so-called Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. "Chronic wrongdoing," he declared, would cause the U.S. to exercise "an international police power" in the Latin America. The Roosevelt Corollary attempted to justify U,S. intervention and authority in the region.

Latin Americans vigorously resented the U.S.'s unilateral claim to authority. by 1907, the so-called Drago Doctrine Was incorporated into international law, prohibiting armed intervention to collect debts. Still, the U.S. would continue to invoke the Roosevelt Corollary to advance its economic and strategic interests in the hemisphere.

He, Roosevelt's successor, hoped to promote American interests in less confrontational ways. He proposed "substituting dollars for bullets" - using government action to encourage private american investments in Latin America to supplant European interests, promote development and stability, and earn profits for American bankers.

Under his Dollar Diplomacy, American investments in the Caribbean increased dramatically during Taft's presidency from 1909 to 1913, and the State Department helped arrange for American bankers to establish financial control over Haiti and Honduras. But Taft didn't shrink from employing military force to protect American property or to establish the conditions he thought necessary for American investments. In fact, Taft intervened more frequently than Roosevelt had, with Nicaragua a major target. Dollar diplomacy increased American power and influence in the Caribbean and tied underdeveloped countries to the U.S. economically and strategically, By 1913, American investments in the region had grown dramatically, and Americans had captured more than 50% of the foreign trade of Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Haití, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama. But this policy failed to improve the conditions of most Latin American countries. U.S. officials remained primarily concerned with promoting American control and extracting American profits from the region. Not surprisingly, dollar diplomacy proved unpopular in Latin America.

Taking office in 1913, the Democrat Woodrow Wilson repudiated the interventionist policies of his Republican predecessors. He promised that the U.S. would "never again seek one additional foot of territory by conquest" but would instead work to promote "human rights, national integrity, and opportunity" in Latin America. Nevertheless, Wilson soon became the most interventionist president in American history. Convinced that the U.S. had to expand its exports and investments abroad and that U.S. dominance of the Caribbean was strategically necessary, he also held the racist belief that Latin Americans were inferior and needed paternalistic guidance from the U.S. Providing that guidance through military force if necessary.

In 1915, Wilson ordered U.S. marines to Haiti to preserve "gravely menaced" American interests. The U.S. saved and even enhanced those interests by establishing a protectorate over Haiti and drawing up a constitution that increased U.S. property rights and commercial privileges. Authority rested in the military, not the president of Haiti, who was more or less a regular citizen. As usual, the military rule improved transportation, sanitation, and educational systems, but the forced-labor program that the U.S. adopted to build such public works provoked widespread resentment. In 1919, marines suppressed a revolt against American domination, killing more than 3,000 Haitians. Wilson also intervened elsewhere in the Caribbean, such as when the Dominican Republican refused to cede control of its finances to U.S. bankers, he ordered the marines to occupy the country. The marines ousted Dominican officials, installed a military government to rule "on behalf of the Dominican government," and ran the nation until 1924. In 1917, U.S. also intervened in Cuba, which remained under American control until 1922.

Wilson also involved himself in the internal affairs of Mexico. The lengthy dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz had collapsed in 1911 in revolutionary disorder. The popular leader Francisco Madero took power and promised democratic and economic reforms that alarmed both wealthy Mexicans and foreign investors, particularly Americans. In 1913, General Victoriano Huerta seized control in a brutal counter revolution backed by the landed aristocracy and foreign interests. Appalled by the violence of Huerta's power grab and aware that opponents had organized to reestablish constitution government, Wilson refused to recognize the Huerta government. Hoping to bring the constitutionalists to power, Wilson authorized arms sales to the forces led by Venustiano Carranza, pressured other nations to deprive Huerta of foreign support, and blockaded the Mexican port of Vera Cruz. In 1914, Wilson exploited a minor incident to have the marines attack and occupy Vera Cruz. This hurt assault damaged his image as a promoter of peace and justice, and even Carranza and the Constitutionalist denounced the American occupation as unwarranted aggression.