- 1. Telework in the context of globalisation
- 1.1 Definitions of telework
- 1.2 Labor flexibilization
- 1.3 Facts and figures on telecommute work in the Philippines
- 1.4 Promises of telecommute work
- 2. Marxism, Gender, and ICTs
- 2.1 Marxism and feminism on engineering
- 2.2 Marxism and the private household
- 2.3 Agency and self-emancipation
In the Information Age in which we are soon situated ( Rifkin, 1995 ) , how do we measure the promises and dangers offered to adult females by information and communicating engineerings ( ICTs ) ? Advocates of technological determinism point out the emancipatory potency posed by ICTs on adult females. Evidence of this is the feminisation of the information society as concern procedure outsourcing ( BPO ) companies have become the biggest employer of adult females ( ILO, 2009 ) . Technology has besides remodeled the nature of work as the physical barriers of the workplace are torn down with minutess performed over the Internet. Many people, particularly adult females, are engaged in telecommute work or telework. Considered as the “ holy grail ” of work-life balance concerns for adult females, telecommute work has become an progressively popular work form for female parents. The thought is with telecommute work, generative and productive work is merged, emancipating adult females from the public/private divide. Prevailing literature on gen...
der and engineering has highlighted the double-edged character of ICTs in the sense that it is potentially emancipating to some adult females on the one manus and reproduces societal inequalities in digital signifier on the other manus. Some bookmans have expressed their anxiousness over the ubiquitousness and high outlooks of society, particularly immature people and adult females, over the information economic system ( Pendakur & A ; Harris, 2005 ; Wajcman, 2009 ) . Among feminist bookmans, the analysis of engineering with gender as precedence has been mostly met a “ general somberness ” ( Mitter & A ; Rowbotham, 1995 ) . Some of these positions include engineering being represented as support of the master-slave relationship of work forces and adult females ( Pringle, 1989, as cited in Mitter & A ; Rowbotham, 1995 ) .
Part 1 provides a general background of telework, some definitions, labour flexibilization as applied in the Philippine context and some literature foregrounding the positive facets of telework.
Part 2 presents a reappraisal of Marxist positions on gender and engineering with a focal point on the constructs of bureau, adult females ‘s emancipation, and the private household.
1. Telework in the context of globalisation
Much of the literature on telework has been theorized from the American and European position ( Bittman, Rice, & A ; Wajcman, 2004 ) . In order to contextualize this review to reflect the worlds of Filipino adult females, the treatment will be framed in relation to globalisation and multinational capital.
1.1 Definitions of telework
The term “ telework ” or “ teleworking ” originated from the construct of “ electronic cottaging ” characterized by “ computing machine mediated work for both corporate employees and freelance persons ” ( Orser, 1991, p. 22 ) . A more brief definition is laid out
in a UK study by the Trades Union Congress which viewed telework as “ distance working facilitated by information and communicating engineerings ” ( Bibby, 1996, p. 3 ) . Telecommuting can either be full-time or parttime and many writers have categorized the type and nature of telecommute work as ( Bibby, 1996 ) :
1. Multi-locational telecommuting: work is done partially at place and party at the office. This is normally available to skilled and professional workers and covered by corporate understandings.
2. Telehomeworking: work is done wholly at place. The type of work is insistent and is piece-rate in footings of compensation. Telework on this country is feminized.
3. Freelancer Telecommuting: work is performed besides at place but on a free-lance footing and for multiple employers. Freelance work includes authorship, design, interlingual rendition, or package development ) .
4. Mobile telecommuting: this work uses engineering used for gross revenues and selling every bit good as applied scientists or inspectors. ( p. 4 )
Telecommute work is first and first characterized by “ flexibleness. ” In the Philippines, telecommuting as a non-traditional work form was introduced by transnational companies which outsourced the voice and back-office procedure in the state every bit early as 1995. It was so treated as “ a radical attack ” ( Panao, n.d. ) . The entreaty is readily seen. Without being tied to the office cell or restricted by the working hours, employees had the freedom to work anytime and anyplace with merely a nomadic phone or a computing machine, at the company ‘s disbursal. Such descriptions are consistent with Rifkin ‘s ( 1995 ) hypothesis of the “ close workerless economic system ” where a lesser figure of lasting workers will shortly be absorbed in the labour force. Flexibility besides includes the proviso of “ flexitime ” where employers are physically in the office during extremum hours without completing work at the terminal of concern ( Clear & A ; Dickson, 2005 ) . Another discrepancy of flexible work-patterns is parttime work where personal pick enables one to work for fewer hours out of the regular eight-hour work twenty-four hours. The most recent discrepancy of telework in the state came about with the proliferation of O & A ; O ( outsourcing and offshoring ) patterns of MNCs along with the execution of structural policies which made the state conducive to outsourcing. During the 1980s to the 1990s, fabrication procedures were outsourced to China, Taiwan, Southeast Asia ( including the Philippines ) and Mexico. At the beginning of 2000, outsourcing of services took off as a consequence of World Trade Organization ( WTO ) understandings peculiarly GATS and TRIPS ( Ofreneo, 2005 ) . Free trade understandings led to cheap air travel, inflow of ICTs, and the popularity of the Internet – factors all lending to the smooth flow of multinational capital. Anything that did non necessitate face to confront contact could be outsourced ( ILO, 2009 ) . Foreign companies outsourced non-core procedures to bring forth higher net income borders through lower production costs and inexpensive labour ( Beneria, 2003 ) – factors readily available in the
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