Sociology and Suicide Essay Example
Sociology and Suicide Essay Example

Sociology and Suicide Essay Example

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  • Published: March 28, 2017
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The aim of this essay is to analyze and review how different theoretical viewpoints in sociology have enhanced our comprehension of the individual deviant behavior 'suicide'. The essay will achieve this by defining and evaluating the concept of 'functionalism', a 'macro perspective', and by applying this functionalist method, developed by Emile Durkheim, to the societal occurrence of 'suicide'.

Assessments concerning Durkheims's research will be analyzed, leveraging other 'Positivist' concepts and contrasting 'Interpretive' theories of 'suicide' like 'Symbolic Interactionism', a 'micro-level viewpoint', initially theorized by Max Weber. Sociology emerged as a discipline in the 19th century, aiming to create a societal science following methodological principles akin to the natural sciences.

The term "sociology" was attributed to Auguste Comte (1838), a pioneer in the field who believed it could serve as a unifying structure for all scientific fields.

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Sociology views society as an entity that can be analyzed and explained through specific laws. Consequently, sociology must be equipped to explain social phenomena. This prompted the development of several ‘sociological theories’ or 'macro perspectives', ideologies designed to elucidate the workings and structures of society.

Before the advent of Sociology, previous attempts to understand human behavior were guided by a humanistic viewpoint, not constrained by scientific method's guidelines. The act of 'suicide' has ignited heated debates across various societal domains, especially within the academic sphere of Sociology. In Britain, before 1961, neither 'suicide' nor 'attempted suicide' was classified as illegal or criminal. Several methodological approaches have been employed to uncover profound understanding about the occurrence of 'suicide'.

The 'classical' standpoint, known as Functionalism, is a structural consensus viewpoint stemmed from the theories of Emile Durkheim (1897), a French

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sociologist. He envisioned society as an entity that remains independent of its individuals. Even though functionalists perceive individuals as inherently selfish, they believe social unity is established by making individuals cognizant of their societal ties. Institutions like family, religion, and law and order facilitate societal unity through shared objectives, values, and beliefs. According to the functionalist perspective, 'society' is a cohesive system of interdependent components.

Key characteristics, such as norms, values and cultural definitions of appropriate behaviour in various contexts (Jones, 2003, pp 32:1), are embraced by society members. Durkheim coined the term 'Anomie' to depict a state of moral deregulation where social norms and values are ambiguous or unclear to an individual. This leads to crime and deviant behavior, particularly during times of social upheaval like economic depression; thus, 'anomie' is induced, leading to increased deviation rates.

'Suicide' is one example. Functionalism believes that our existence is directed by social structures, which are essentially enduring patterns of societal behavior. Durkheim proposes that these cultural facets are outcomes of collective engagement (Bilton et al, 1988, pp 488:2). In the 'Rules of Sociological Method', Durkheim (1964) viewed social facts as behavioral regulators beyond the individual's control, exerting coercion on the actor. These can be noticed at the collective level and cannot be diminished to the individual behavior or significance.

Social facts that are generated by combined forces don't originate from a single individual (Hadden, p. 104). Though not apparently visible, these social facts are subject to empirical study instead of philosophical interpretations (Ritzer, p. 78). These can be understood as behavioural patterns possessing the ability to exert a certain level of compulsive influence on individuals or restrict individual

conduct. These rules are embedded into an individual's consciousness through socialization and education.

Adhering to societal rules and norms morphs into a moral code that individuals are obliged to follow, thereby promoting social cohesiveness. The higher the degree of this 'social integration', the more peaceful the society becomes (Moore et al, 2002, pp 279:3). Durkheim’s take on deviance and criminal behavior veers from tradition. Before his time, criminologists primarily viewed crime as a physiological or pathological occurrence, looking to psychological or biological causes within the offender's body or mind and generally ignoring external influences.

Durkheim conceived crime as an inevitable consequence of society, highlighting its normalcy. He posited that no society could ensure absolute adherence to its dictates; if it did, it would inhibit individual contributions due to overwhelming repression. Durkheim proposed that straying from societal norms is crucial as it allows societies to remain adaptable and open to change (Coser, 1977). His widely acknowledged 'positivistic' research, 'Suicide,' first appeared in 1897. 'Positivism' aims to replicate the process of scientifically examining evidence and apply this system to human behaviour. It basically involves the analysis of quantifiable statistical data in an effort to establish laws of human behaviour. Essentially, Durkheim utilised the social phenomenon of 'suicide' to demonstrate his unique methodological approach. He deemed suicide as one of the most typical individual actions and argued that it was a consequence of 'social collective' influence rather than psychological factors as suggested by other researchers.

As part of his effort to counter the psychological theory, he looked for proof to highlight the collective aspect of suicide. The compilation of suicide-rate statistical figures from diverse European societies made this possible. This type

of number-oriented study is now referred to as 'multivariate analysis.’ It led him to three findings. Firstly, the occurrence or frequency of suicide stays stable over time within distinct societies. Secondly, the rate of suicide differs among various societies. Lastly, there are differing suicide rates among distinct groups in a single society.

Despite acknowledging that specific circumstances could cause an individual to commit suicide, Durkheim asserted that personal reasons were insufficient to explain the rate of suicide (Haralambos et al, 1995, pp819:2). In an effort to challenge assertions linking the frequency of insanity to the suicide rate, he analysed data gathered from Jewish community members who were allegedly associated with higher insanity rates than other religious groups. Upon completing his research, he deduced that these members exhibited significantly lower suicide rates (Durkheim, 1952: 166-168).

He unveiled a societal force or collective trend, beyond an individual's influence, was apparent. The phenomenon was crucial evidence that suicide couldn't be solely an individual act as these patterns would not emerge otherwise. "In some respect, rare are the instances of death that are not directly or indirectly linked to the person's actions. The causes of death lie outside us rather than within, and they only come into play when we step into their realm" (1897b: 43). Furthermore, "Collective tendencies exist independently; they are as genuine forces as cosmic forces, albeit different. They too exert influence over an individual from the outside... (Thompson, 1982, p. 109 [excerpt from Suicide]).

This definition of suicide was proposed by Durkheim: "suicide refers to any instance where death, whether direct or indirect, results from either a positive or negative act executed consciously by the individual aware

of the possible outcome" (ibid: . 110 [excerpt from Suicide]). He aimed to exclude instances of ‘accidental death’. As part of refining his findings, he disregarded other potential contributing factors like climate, heredity, alcoholism, and psychological factors explaining suicide, as they lacked sufficiency in explaining different rates among populations.

Nonetheless, he affirmed that some people may have an inherent tendency towards psychological triggers. His research did not uncover any definitive association between a person's mental condition and the act's occurrence. However, discernible social factors, like religion and marital status, showed a linkage to suicide rates. He proposed that the dwindling strength of religious traditionalism 'simultaneously intensifies the desire for knowledge and the inclination towards suicide' (1897a: 131-152).

Primarily Protestant nations recorded elevated suicide rates, likely due to the lack of a unified community bound by religious practices and beliefs, as compared to their Catholic counterparts, exemplified by the low suicide rates in heavily Catholic Bavaria in Germany. This reality can be interpreted by exploring the aspects of religious faith. Catholicism encourages a greater sense of unity among its followers through shared beliefs and views the act of suicide and assisting in suicide as a 'mortal sin' when committed knowingly and fully consciously.

Furthermore, it was observed that married individuals had a higher tendency towards 'suicide' compared to their single counterparts. Durkheim advanced an hypothesis in order to shed light on the persistent suicide rates, suggesting a direct relationship between the degree of social integration within a group or society and an individual's inclination towards suicide. He contended that suicide hinges on the character of the ties between one's self and society, asserting that when people can no longer

fulfil their desires, suicide becomes the inevitable endpoint (Jones, 2001, pp157:3).

Similarly, an excess or deficiency in social elements, like 'social integration' and 'moral regulation', can lead to the emergence of four "ideal types" of suicide. A case in point is the 'Egoistic' societies that underscore values, liberty, prosperity, and scanty 'social integration', as seen in America for instance. In such settings, societal ties are weak. The emphasis is on personal autonomy where individuals make their own decisions and care for their nearest and dearest at the expense of overlooking the wider community. This extreme focus on self-reliance among those with few social bonds results directly in 'Egoistic suicide'.

The elevated instances of suicide amongst young men can be attributed to their disconnect from societal norms and expectations. The lack of strong societal integration can lead to increased suicide rates as individuals feel isolated and detached (Bilton, et al, 1988, pp 491:3). The current dip in marriage rates also exacerbates this issue as marriage often creates a social bond and stability, reducing 'egoistic suicide'. On the other hand, an over-integration into society can cause 'Altruistic suicide'.

People often become fully integrated into their social communities to the point where their individuality loses significance - a phenomenon observed by Bilton et al in 1988. This deep sense of social integration can lead individuals to willingly perform acts of 'self-sacrifice'. These actions are typically seen within a cult, religious group, or amongst soldiers in military activities. These acts of self-destruction, like the self-immolations practiced by Buddhist monks during the Vietnam War (Davidson et al, 1994), are believed to serve a higher communal purpose. A study by Haddad (2004, p337-363) which

analyzed public opinion on suicide bombings via Palestinian refugees' and Lebanese Muslims' survey data revealed noticeable support differences. Lebanese populations expressed more approval for suicide attacks than Palestinians. For both groups, the primary factor influencing support for suicide terrorism was acknowledgment of political Islam. The higher the adherence to political Islam, the higher the approval of such activities. However, it's important to mention that the influence of political Islam is more palpable among Palestinians compared to Lebanese.

Durkheim argued that when there is a disproportion in the societal power of 'moral regulation', it results in 'Anomic' and 'Fatalistic' suicides. 'Anomic suicide' takes place when society's individuals lose their normative order that governs their behaviours and aspirations. The absence of defined morals due to society's inability to regulate its moral order, an individual lacks guidance and no longer feels a sense of fulfillment about their role within society (Bilton et al, 1986, pp 493:1). On the other hand, 'Fatalistic Suicide' is the consequence of an overabundance of 'moral regulation'.

Limitations on personal freedom and lifestyle, exemplified by instances like slavery, led to a fatalistic outlook. Nevertheless, Durkheim did not pay significant attention to this specific type of suicide, considering its applicability to more historical societal models. Those who employ a 'Positivist' approach have critiqued Durkheim's inability to provide a clear and quantifiable definition of 'integration' (Gibbs et al, 1964). They propose an integrated society as one exhibiting stable, long-lasting relationships most likely to appear when the individual's statuses are congruent (referenced in Bilton et al, 1986, pp 494:1).

The theory of 'status integration' was accepted as a measure of 'social integration'. 'Status integration' portrays the extent to which a

person embodies various societal roles frequently associated together, such as work and family. The increased level of 'social integration' correlates with decreased suicide rates, as indicated by Haralambos and others in 1995. Nonetheless, some academics, particularly those inclined towards an interpretive approach, criticized Durkheim's heavy use and dependence on statistical data, challenging the validity of his study.

The social action theory, Symbolic Interactionism, purports that 'actions' are underpinned by 'meanings', emphasizing the situational contexts in which meanings are derived, and perceives society as being shaped by individuals' day-to-day interactions. Theories of suicide, viewed through the 'micro perspective' of Symbolic Interactionism (Weber, 1864-1920), were put forward by Douglas (1967, p 154). He challenged the dependability of statistical data and proposed that a systematic bias could influence the decision-making process, potentially clarifying Durkheim's discovery. The coroner dictates if an unexpected death is considered a suicide, but their decision can also be influenced by others such as the friends and family of the deceased (referenced in Haralambos et al, 1995, pp821:6). Douglas (1967, p 185) also referenced an American coroner who wouldn't designate a death as a suicide unless a note was discovered with the body. Another point of critique by Douglas was Durkheim's negligence to explore the personal and cultural meanings of 'suicide' connected to the act by the suicide victim. Despite its strengths, 'Symbolic Interactionism' still possesses its own set of drawbacks.

The micro-orientation strategy is occasionally prone to overlooking the effects of prevalent societal structures, and likewise neglecting the impact of culture and class. Scholars like Atkinson (1971), who belongs to the 'Phenomenological' group, categorically reject quantitative methods. They argue that some people are predominantly labeled as

'suicides' after death, largely based on preconceived or possibly incorrect judgements by coroners. While there is a perceived connection between unemployment and suicide, the causal relationship remains ambiguous.

Research also suggests that individuals of lower socioeconomic status have a greater likelihood of suicide, largely due to their job situations. A study named 'Unemployment and Suicide: Evidence for a Causal Association?' by Atkinson et al. (2003, pp 594-600) sought to investigate the individual correlation between unemployment, socioeconomic status, and instances of suicide. The researchers used an anonymous probabilistic record linkage technique to combine census and mortality data over a three-year period for cohort analysis.

The content suggests that men and women between 25 and 44 years old, along with men from 45 to 64 years old who are unemployed, have a suicide risk that is two or three times greater than those who have employment. Furthermore, males aged from 18 to 24 present an increased suicide threat which can be linked with fewer educational accomplishments, lessened family earnings, and absence of work. However, in the case of females within this age range, similar patterns connected to job status or socio-economic conditions were not observed. The research mentions a minimal count of suicides among females aged between 18 and 24 (ibid: pp592:2).

Despite this, aspects such as marital state and employment status remain crucial in predicting suicide deaths. A significant link was identified between joblessness and suicide in males aged 18-24. Initial investigations concluded that mental health problems might explain about half of the relationship between unemployment and suicide, but not entirely. To sum up, the risk of suicide is two to three times higher for those without jobs compared

to those who are employed. This research conducted in New Zealand underscores a robust association between unemployment and suicide.

In summing up, it's apparent that the progression of Sociology, a diligent investigation of human society, assists us in recognizing individuals in a societal framework. Even with the efficient marriage of sociological principles and empirical analysis in elucidating the social event of 'suicide', quantitative research presents inherent issues. Primarily, there exists a variance across cultures in how 'suicide' fatalities are classified, recorded, and interpreted. There are also claims that Durkheim didn't sufficiently scrutinize the accuracy of the provided statistics.

We also need to consider the personal motivations and feelings that might prompt such a self-centred and rebellious act, like committing suicide, an aspect ‘Positivism’ does not explore. It further misses explaining specific kinds of suicide, such as those diagnosed with incurable diseases who choose to conclude their lives to avoid pain. Suicidal tendencies in these instances may be perceived as striving for a dignified death.

Debates have intensely occurred over euthanasia, particularly its potential causal effects. Furthermore, other kinds of 'suicide', often committed by individuals suffering from mental disorders such as depression and paranoia, are noteworthy. Some might argue that depression entails outcomes from factors not within the individual's governance. Importantly, this study disregards certain forms of 'suicide', possibly the direct outcome of social integration; instances prompted by bullying impacts experienced during normal social integration periods in settings like education and employment. Despite the plethora of criticisms emerging from various viewpoints, Durkheim’s research has considerably influenced the field, leading to suicide being somewhat neglected in studies until recent times.

Indeed, the 'social action' theory, which takes into account the actual

motives and meanings behind suicidal tendencies, seems to be a more advantageous perspective. There's no denying that external social factors beyond an individual's control, such as societal economic changes, have a significant effect. Nonetheless, Durkheim's primary interpretative supposition - that when social conditions do not supply individuals with the required objectives and/or norms with suitable intensity levels, then their socio-psychological wellness suffers and those most susceptible may resort to suicide - arguably raises more uncertainties than it elucidates.

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