Madagascar, known as the eighth continent, is a valuable landmass famous for its exceptional qualities. Situated in the Indian Ocean, it became distinct from Africa about 165 million years ago. Throughout history, it has evolved into an extraordinary entity with its wide range of plants and animals, extensive forested regions, and the presence of distinctive species such as Lemurs. In the 17th century, the French started to establish their influence in Madagascar and ultimately took control of the land by the late 19th century.
In 1896, French colonialism was officially established through a series of treaties that increased French authority. Consequently, the Merina royal family was forced into exile in Algeria ("Why is Madagascar so poor? "). Colonialism can be described as a system where one country asserts control over another foreign nation and assumes governance. However, in Madagascar's case, French co
...lonialism not only devastated the natural environment but also caused social and economic decline within the country.
The island of Madagascar has been isolated from the African mainland for more than sixty million years, boasting renowned tropical forests with exclusive flora and fauna. Unfortunately, these forests are degrading due to deforestation, a consequence of harmful practices by the French colonial state. Throughout colonization, the government viewed the forests as an exploitable resource for economic profit and benefitting the colony financially.
Claudia Randrup discusses how logging and agricultural concessions carried out by the French transformed natural resources into economic commodities. This occurred when French entrepreneurs allowed the clearing of large amounts of forests. The French concessionaires, acting on behalf of the colonial government, granted land in order to enhance th
economic sustainability of the colony, increase profits from timber, and take advantage of the exportation of Malagasy hardwood. The French not only exploited high-quality timber but also utilized less valuable timber for purposes such as constructing railroads.
Furthermore, the colony of Madagascar adopted resource appropriation as a means to utilize the country's natural resources for industrialization and development. The French had the objective of civilizing the Malagasy nation. However, despite efforts by the forest service to regulate concessions, they encountered obstacles including labor shortages, lack of determination, failure to address illegal deforestation, and low fines imposed for permit violations that did not adequately cover damages caused.
Between 1895 and 1925, 70% of the forest was destroyed, resulting in significant consequences for the locals who relied on the forest for their livelihoods ("WRM"). Forests played a crucial role in the lives of forest habitants, who engaged in activities such as apiculture and charcoal production. Similarly, for farmers, forested lands served as an alternate option for arable lands. Additionally, forests offered shelter to Malagasy rebels during their resistance against the colonial state. They provided resources for survival, materials for construction, and opportunities for income.
Properly managing forests and using their resources in a controlled manner prevents them from disappearing. Conversely, if forests are exploited unsustainably, they will be destroyed, causing negative consequences for the Malagasy nation. The French exploitation of Madagascar's forests serves as an example of this, resulting in deforestation, habitat destruction, limited access to forests, changes in landscape from excessive mining and extraction, and a shift from traditional farming to coffee cultivation for export – all explained by Kamil Kanji.
The state provided land for rice farming, but it was not successful due to soil deficiencies. Additionally, French colonialism weakened the Malagasies' relationship with forests (Randrup 50). As a result, locals started seeking employment on plantations, which they viewed as akin to slavery and disconnected them from their environment. Consequently, implementing conservation efforts became difficult in post-colonial periods.
According to The New York Times, Rosewood trees in Madagascar are illegally being cut down by Malagasy timber barons and then mostly exported to China. Ndranto Razakamanarina, who is the president of an association of Malagasy environmental groups and also a policy officer with the World Wildlife Fund, claimed that the government is not intervening because it benefits from the $167 million earned through this practice. Moreover, several ministers expect short tenures in office (ranging from three to six months), so they opt to exploit the situation for their personal gain.
Both the timber mafia and the ministers are corrupt, as reported by Bearak. Moreover, during the colonial period, the nation's economy revolved around exporting rice and beef in a limited manner, with coffee serving as the primary crop. At first, coffee cultivation was restricted to the east coast while rice remained the main source of sustenance. However, once farmers recognized the substantial profits that could be gained from trading coffee, restrictions were lifted and they began cultivating it in forested regions.
Due to the expansion, the island's economy suffered an imbalance resulting in rice shortages. This was caused by an excess of labor in the coffee industry. Moreover, the expansion began to negatively impact the nation's food security. In order to address tavy
(shifting cultivation), the French Governor General implemented a prohibition on its practice. The stated purpose of this ban was to safeguard the remaining forests; however, its true intent was to enhance tax collection.
The policy was ineffective in both cases. The Malagasy ignored it and burned large areas of forests to show their protest and anger ("WRM"). Madagascar's biodiversity is also illustrated by the prickly pear cactus, which provided food for herbivores and for those who cultivated it. However, this plant was also used defensively. The Mahafale planted this cactus along walls and surrounded their villages with thorny mazes to deter unwanted intruders.
The cactus played a dual role for the Malagasy soldiers, serving as both a formidable ally and adversary. As an ally, they employed cactus walls to effectively eliminate French officers in narrow alleys. Conversely, the French viewed the cactus as their enemy and introduced the cochineal insect in Madagascar to combat it. This parasitic insect infected the prickly pear cactus, ultimately leading to its decline and demise.
The cactus crisis had a significant impact on the Malagasy nation, especially the pastoralists. Without the cactus, they faced difficulties in feeding their herds and had to rely on native vegetation and cutting shrubs, brush, and trees. This cutting process worsened the problem of desertification. Additionally, the demise of the cactus led to pastoralists becoming wage laborers out of desperation for earning a salary because of the lack of food for their cattle, resulting in livestock deaths.
In another work, titled "Forget the Numbers: The Case of a Madagascar Famine," Jeffrey Kaufmann asserts that the removal of the cactus species had
unintended consequences on social relationships. The cactus served as the primary source of milk and meat for cows, which held significant social importance in Malagasy society. For example, gifting a young cow to a newly married couple was seen as a symbolic way to solidify their marriage. Additionally, cows were sacrificed as a form of respect when someone passed away, with the number of cows received reflecting the person's level of fame.
The social life and rituals in Madagascar experienced indirect changes due to the French influence, specifically through the introduction of cacti and the depletion of cattle. This period in history saw a kleptocratic regime dominating the island, controlled for the benefit of the French colony. The French employed a strategy of divide-and-rule, maintaining their authority in a poorly institutionalized government while implementing policies that prioritized their own interests over those of the Malagasy nation. Instead of utilizing local resources for infrastructure and social progress, they were exploited to support French industry. Economic development efforts were concentrated in Tananarive, leading to an imbalance in overall development on the island and divisions among its provinces.
According to Kamil Kanji, the inequality caused locals to move to industrialized areas under a repressive state rule. Additionally, the French established artificial national boundaries and made Madagascar a French territory within the French Union based on a new constitution. This invasion of French culture not only diminished the Malagasy identity but also granted Madagascans a vaguely defined French citizenship instead of one based on clear criteria ("Madagascar: Late French Colonialism").
During the early days of French colonization and the establishment of a Kleptocratic regime, Madagascar faced
numerous challenges including war, resistance, and famine (Jarosz 370). Despite these difficulties, the main goal of the Malagasy nation was to increase revenues and exports to European and African countries. This objective was accomplished by imposing high taxes and exploring new markets in France, which led to an export-driven economy. Throughout the colonial period, Madagascar's economic condition worsened with ongoing food shortages and a thriving underground market.
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Social challenges arose due to the emergence of ethnic tensions, animosity towards forced labor, and other difficulties related to reintegration. This tense situation eventually sparked a nationwide uprising, which was ultimately quelled with the help of external interventions. As a result of this struggle, 180 individuals who were not from Madagascar lost their lives, in contrast to the 80,000 Malagasy people ("Madagascar: Late French Colonialism"). Moreover, Tracy Harden notes that the French harbored a sense of superiority over their Malagasy counterparts, leading to an inferiority/superiority complex. The negative consequences of the kleptocratic regime further exacerbated these issues.
Despite the hard work of local men throughout the day, the French people were given better job opportunities and higher pay. While the Malagasy toiled in the fields, the French occupied higher positions of authority. Another form of corruption during colonization in Madagascar is seen in the population growth rate. Historians of Madagascar argue that the establishment of a powerful Merina state in the 19th century allowed for overcoming obstacles to population growth through enhanced internal security and improved healthcare facilities. However, after the French invasion, this growth rate changed, although the exact impact remains unknown.
French colonial officials lacked the necessary skills to conduct a
census and also faced challenges due to the unstable political situation in the country. Additionally, evading colonial tax collectors made it challenging to gather accurate statistics. However, the French officials consistently downplayed the population numbers in order to justify the low tax returns. More importantly, this was done to hide the detrimental effects of colonialism on the population. The government's policies inadvertently contributed to the proliferation of sexually transmitted diseases, decreased fertility rates, and increased instances of miscarriages (Campbell 445).
Even after gaining independence in 1960, Madagascar continued to be affected by the horrors inflicted by the French. In 1999, a cholera epidemic broke out in Madagascar and quickly spread among both urban and rural populations. It took the epidemic a year to reach a fatality rate of 5 percent, exceeding the expected rate of less than 1 percent. The increase in cases was primarily due to ineffective disease control strategies, contaminated water sources, poor sanitation practices, low education levels and poverty among the population, as well as cultural practices related to Malagasy funeral rites.
The “Medecins Sans Frontieres”, a French organization for medical humanitarian help, tried to provide aid for the situation. However, the assistance was blocked by the Malagasy government. Despite the president's lack of help in dealing with the situation and the prime minister delegating the problem to the minister of health, the minister of health blamed the disease on the ministry of hygiene and sanitation after their unsuccessful attempt to control it. She then prevented the MSF from effectively intervening and assisting.
The WHO organization recommended mass vaccination, but instead of following this suggestion, she implemented compulsory vaccinations
for those leaving Madagascar. As a result, the vaccinations were wasted and did not effectively combat the disease. The French doctors, who were skilled in treating cholera, were forbidden from entering hospitals or interacting with patients. However, these doctors observed that the island not only lacked basic sanitation conditions but also had inadequate healthcare facilities, especially within hospitals.
The government's ineffective efforts to prevent the spread of cholera and lack of action in improving sanitation or protecting unaffected individuals can be attributed to anti-colonialism. The government saw incoming aid as a challenge to Malagasy doctors' competence and reputation, reflecting a sense of envy and reluctance to work with French doctors. These actions of the health minister reveal Malagasy pride and anti-colonial sentiment.
Furthermore, discussing the consequences of post colonialism, the dominant elite in Antanarivo possess light brown skin and harbor a negative view towards both white people and ethnic groups with darker skin. These individuals are disdainfully regarded as valueless individuals and mistreated. This attitude is a consequence of seeking revenge for the mistreatment their ancestors experienced during the French colonial era. However, it is worth noting that political adversaries of the government warmly received and allowed the MSF to assist in the treatment of the vulnerable.
The French doctors and the Malagasy nation had a disagreement due to the nature of funeral rites. The Malagasy had a strong emotional attachment to the deceased and were disturbed when they received bodies wrapped in plastic bags. Additionally, there were allegations that the French doctors were removing brains and cutting tongues from the dead. This information spread fear among the people, causing them to
avoid treatment centers and potentially spread infection to others (Coit 247-259).
During the introduction of colonialism, General Joseph Gallieni, the French Governor, took measures to repress slavery and establish a free healthcare system. Additionally, he implemented a state schooling system and founded the Malagasy Academy. The French educational system on the island expanded access to education for the Malagasy youth and exposed them to ideas of nationalism and socialism. This new system provided them with a sense of hope for national restoration. However, this benevolence ultimately gave France complete control over Madagascar. ("Madagascar: Early French Colonialism")
After the famine caused by the destruction of cacti, colonial officials recognized the problem that had arisen. In response, the French government decided to import new species of prickly pear cacti that were resistant to the cochineal insect. They put in a lot of effort to establish nurseries in the south and replant thorn-less cactus. Pastoralists were grateful for the assistance and were able to partially recover their cactus pastoralism. However, the newer plants reproduced at a slower pace, had less juicy fruits that failed to satisfy the pastoralists, and were less nutritious, particularly for cows in the late stages of pregnancy (Kaufmann 154).
According to Lucy Jarosz, the invasion of the island occurred before the French took control and it is claimed that colonial policies did not contribute to deforestation. On the other hand, Kamil Kanji argued that colonialism was beneficial because it created infrastructure for economic development and provided various services. However, deforestation activities increased significantly after the establishment of the colonial state. This was a result of exploitative policies, both internal and external
demand for wood, and the expansion of coffee cultivation. The construction of railroads by the French further intensified the internal demand for timber, ultimately leading to deforestation (Jarosz 375).
The infrastructure in Madagascar, provided by the colonial power, was designed to facilitate the exploitation of the country's resources and workforce rather than benefit the host nation. Consequently, this led to the displacement of locals and allowed the manipulative state to gain control over all resources for their own advantage. As a consequence, Madagascar became dependent on food imports instead of being self-reliant. Furthermore, the fertile land was converted into mono-crop plantations, resulting in detrimental effects on the flora and fauna within the untouched forests.
However, the Europeans were unable to fully assimilate into the foreign land and establish their European identity through intermarriages to ensure a French descendant posterity (Pearson 409). It is evident that even though the Republic of Madagascar gained independence in 1960, it still operates largely as a colony (“Why is Madagascar so poor?”). Despite the limited positive impacts of colonialism, the disadvantages were significantly more numerous. If the French had never settled in Madagascar, it could have remained an African Paradise.
