Bush administration Essay Example

American military intervention in Panama and the offensive against Iraq. In his book, Woodward examines how the United States, as the sole remaining superpower, should handle dictators like Noriega and whether the transgressions committed in Panama warrant a large-scale intervention to oust him from power (Woodward, 50).

Noriega, an oppressive ruler who led the PDF, was later found to be involved in illicit activities such as drug trafficking, money laundering, and arms smuggling that were well-known to America.

The United States initially overlooked Noriega's unethical behavior while he was in power in Panama, viewing him as both an advantage and a drawback due to the valuable intelligence information he provided. Noriega perceived this as complete backing from the United States for his actions and governing approach. As a result, the United States unintentionally fostered and supported its own future adversary in politics and military affairs, namely Noriega. These errors in American-Panamanian relations took place several years prior to the Bush administration and ultimately posed a significant threat to both Panama and the United States (Gilboa, 540).

The United States government expressed concern about drugs being a significant threat to American society in February 1988. As Noriega was primarily involved in drug trafficking to the USA, he became a prominent figure in the war against drugs. Initially, the Reagan and Bush administrations believed that Noriega's power would be diminished through internal unrest, election outcomes, or a mass uprising against his regime. However, the US made a crucial error in underestimating Noriega's survival instincts, his control over PDF and the election committee, and the bureaucratic conflicts within Panama. Subsequent actions taken against Noriega included negotiation attempts, imposition of economic

and diplomatic sanctions, and military threats.

Despite its efforts, the United States was unable to solve the Noriega problem as his influence grew stronger. It became increasingly important for the United States to remove him from power but instead of taking decisive action, a series of mistakes were made. Weak and unclear messages were sent and poorly organized coups against Noriega were attempted. This lack of competence in implementing policies and plans resulted in five mini-crises between Panama and the United States: the murder of Hugo Spadafora, the Herrera confessions, the Florida indictments, the elections in Panama, and the Giroldi coup. The first crisis in Panama was triggered by the brutal killing of Hugo Spadafora.

Despite being the primary suspects, Noriega and PDF possessed sufficient influence to obstruct any inquiries into the truth of this homicide. The CIA and the DEA's inaccurate communications further reinforced Noriega's belief in unwavering U.S. support. The subsequent crisis involved Colonel Roberto Diaz Herrera's confessions as well as three distinct channels (Jose Blandon, Admiral Daniel Murphy, and Richard Armitage) engaging in discussions about multiple resignation proposals with Noriega. Yet, as expected, all these plans and efforts ultimately proved futile. Bob Woodward asserts that the central issue lied in the fact that U.S. assistance was the main obstacle.

Noriega received confusing messages through various channels on multiple occasions. The accusation of drug trafficking to the United States led to the third crisis. However, due to a division within the Reagan administration between the State Department and Defense, as well as the Joint Chiefs of Staff, their attempt to oust Noriega failed. After George Bush won the 1988 presidential elections, providing an opportunity for new

strategies against Noriega, the fourth crisis emerged. Bush's campaign focused on fighting drugs, and since his views differed from Reagan's on the Noriega issue, there was a chance to finally remove the PDF commander from power.

The Bush administration once again made a mistake by thinking that Noriega could be defeated in the May 1989 elections in Panama, as well as during the covert plan Panama 4. Like the previous plans Panama 1, 2, and 3, this plan also failed. The transition from the Reagan administration to the Bush administration did not greatly improve the situation with the Panama problem and did not address the main flaws in US policy. Despite Bush's greater concern than Reagan in removing Noriega from power in Panama and using force to achieve this, the situation remained unchanged and Noriega was not captured. During the fifth crisis, known as the Giroldi coup, the US did not intervene.

Failure to seize Noriega on another occasion led to intense discussions in Washington and widespread demonstrations against the Bush administration. Additionally, prioritizing the contra war over the anti-drug campaign regarding Noriega was a third blunder made by the Bush administration. Consequently, American society started doubting Bush's presidency and his competence as both a political and military figure.

Bush understood the importance of not only capturing Noriega, but also dismantling his regime in Panama to bring about change. Furthermore, the American public expected Bush to fulfill his promise to fight drug trafficking. As a result, Bush realized that the issue went beyond Noriega himself and included his administration's ability to combat drug trafficking, promote democracy in Latin America (including Panama), and impact global affairs. Consequently, the

Bush administration had to employ stronger measures, which ultimately resulted in military intervention in Panama with the objective of capturing Noriega and dismantling his corrupt drug world (Gilboa, 547).

Manuel Antonio Noriega was captured in Panama, brought to the United States, and later tried for criminal drug operations. Many people argue that force is not a solution for social or political issues. However, during this time, George Bush's image as a weak president was quite popular. The effectiveness of Bush's analysis, policies, covert plans, and military actions were also called into question. American society, as well as other countries, began to doubt Bush's ability to lead in world affairs and fulfill his promises to combat drug issues made during his presidency campaign.

According to Bob Woodward, military intervention was the only solution to the Noriega problem and to improve various aspects within the United States, such as political strategies, national security, and confirming the U.S. as the only remaining superpower in the world. In his book "The Commanders," Woodward discusses the Panama invasion and the war against Iraq. He suggests that George Bush and his administration were failing to address domestic issues, such as education and the deficit. Woodward also highlights that Bush had difficulty focusing meetings on different issues. He utilizes credible sources and persuasive phrases to argue that members of his administration, particularly Cheney and Powell, saved Bush from his own unfocused and emotional desire for war.

Despite its efforts to address international crises through various means such as negotiations, persuasion, warnings, economic and political sanctions, and threats, the United States was unable to convince dictators like Noriega to step down voluntarily. The lack of effective

communication, inconsistent political and military strategies, and information leaks posed significant obstacles for the Bush administration in resolving issues in Panama and other nations. However, had the United States conveyed stronger and clearer messages from the beginning of the Panama problem, they might have been able to avoid resorting to excessive force against Manuel Antonio Noriega and prevent unnecessary loss of life in Panama.