How successful is British Drug Policy Essay Example

police-community relations, implying that successful drug policy should enhance society overall. Assessing drug policy by this broader definition is crucial since it aligns with the ultimate objective of creating a better Britain.

The primary objective of this section is to evaluate drug policing methods using the case study of Brixton. Historically, the area has seen conflict between young black males and a white police force that is occasionally regarded as racist, with an uncompromising policy. The excessive policing during the 70s and 80s led to the detachment of much of the policed population. Lord Scarman's 1981 analysis investigated significant concerns about drug policing in modern Britain.

Police discretion is a major concern as it involves using subjective judgment to maintain peace. Scarman claimed that the police's use of discretion in Brixton was unjust, leading to riots. The police's implementation of strict anti-drug laws and misuse of stop and search powers contributed to the unrest (Crowther-Dowey, 2007). The Police and Criminal Evidence Act of 1984 later reformed these powers by establishing guidelines for stop and search procedures. According to the act, if a policeman believes that someone is breaking drug laws, they can stop and speak with them.

Scarman recommended a policing style that emphasized communication with the community and discouraged confrontation. It was emphasized that suspicion should not be based on age, sex, history, or general appearance. Marnoch (in Crowther-Dowey 2007) also believes that enforcing drug laws without criticism may do more harm than good.

If you possess ample knowledge of an essay subject and still have time before the test concludes, take advice from this resource. In the mid 1980s, a novel method of policing

surfaced, with the objective of maintaining peace. However, this led to a more lenient approach and enabled the expansion of the drug industry. Additionally, Brixton, similar to numerous areas in the United Kingdom, experienced limited resources. As a result, police are currently expected to adopt a more business-oriented strategy to prove their worth to the government.

Crowther-Dowey (2007 p. 14) states that professionals are limited by national standards and goals imposed by the market and private sector. In addition, community leaders and law enforcement prioritize harder drugs like crack cocaine and heroin, as they have a greater impact on the local population than cannabis. The Lambeth Cannabis Warning Scheme was introduced in July 2001 for about a year, which allowed police to use their discretion when it came to arresting individuals for cannabis use but encouraged them to avoid doing so.

The implementation of this would address the misuse of stop and search tactics on African-Caribbean young people and allow for more focus on tackling the issue of harder drugs. Evaluation of the pilot program in the Lambeth region by PSS consultancy group revealed that it freed up 1350 hours of police time, comparable to an additional 1.8 full-time officers. The changes also resulted in a 19% increase in police efforts towards class A drugs. Overall, the pilot scheme was deemed successful.
(PSS consultancy in Crowther-Dowey 2007 p.)

In 2004, the decision to classify cannabis was heavily influenced by the trial period. However, MP Kate Howey criticized this policy and claimed that it had caused more harm than good. She argued that the policy gave children the impression that cannabis was no more harmful than sweets, and ignored the

psychological risks of the drug. A MORI poll also showed concern that the Lambeth Scheme had increased the likelihood of young people coming into contact with drugs (Crowther-Dowey 2007 pp. 118). Due to these arguments and medical research uncertainties about the severity of cannabis effects, the drug was re-classified as a class B drug in 2008.

According to BBC News (2009), ministers were concerned about the potential link between drugs and schizophrenia being overlooked. This cautionary approach is deemed wise, as previous errors, such as thalidomide being prescribed to pregnant women, demonstrate the dangers of underestimating side effects. In 2000, the arrest referral schemes (ARS) were introduced to address drug-related issues among offenders and reduce crime rates. These schemes operate independently of law enforcement personnel, allowing arrested individuals to meet with ARS officers for interviews that may result in referrals for social care, medical treatment, or housing.

In accordance with Crowther-Dowey's (2007, p. 22) assessment, the frequency of arrests among individuals in contact with the ARS has decreased. Nevertheless, certain users - especially those from ethnic backgrounds - may not be receiving all available services. Furthermore, ARS support may not be accessible around the clock and could be restricted when custodies are occupied.

Achieving a consistent correlation between care and control is not always possible. When police catch lawbreakers, there are various outcomes that may result. Those found guilty could be imprisoned or enrolled in a community-based program. Due to the limited funding for law enforcement, some offenders may be transferred to non-police initiatives. However, the use of community service has faced criticism as it is often implemented without medical consultation.

Moreover, engaging in this punishment can lead to

imprisonment and there is a high likelihood of being convicted again. Despite its intention to reduce harm, it disguises a strong form of legal control (Crowther-Dowey 2007). To combat drug use, preventive measures and laws are not enough and must be supplemented by education. As defined by Drugscope, education involves gaining knowledge, comprehension, and abilities, as well as reflecting on values and attitudes.

Education comes in various forms, including school classes, youth work, and media intervention. The government acknowledges this importance with policies like Tackling Drugs to Build a Better Britain. The Department of Education deems it crucial that all schools show interest in drug awareness by April 2004.

In that particular year, the Department for Education and Skills created additional guidelines for schools regarding drug education, making it clear that unlawful drugs are not tolerated on school premises and granting head teachers the option of expulsion for students involved in drug dealing. According to OFSTEAD, the quality of drug education has never been better (Mclnnes 2007 p, 126), though national initiatives have had mixed results, as indicated by surveys showing that the UK has the highest self-reported drug use in Europe. It is therefore unsurprising that current research indicates a "normalization" of drug use within today's youth (Mclnnes, 2007).

According to Dorn (1981), the effectiveness of drug education programs cannot be accurately gauged, which could be mistaken as a statement that such policies are unsuccessful overall. However, it is crucial to prioritize the success of such policies over the ease of measuring them. Regardless, the difficulty in measuring their efficacy presents challenges in eliminating less effective programs, thus causing wasted resources. Additionally,

De Haes (1994) suggests that drug education programs are often insufficient and can yield both positive and negative outcomes. In his study, none of the participating students altered their drug usage habits after being exposed to various educational approaches.

After examining evidence related to drug education and prevention, the health advisory services emphasized the importance of utilizing both universal and targeted methods. While universal programs have the advantage of reaching a large audience, their effectiveness is limited according to research. Therefore, it is necessary to focus on at-risk populations through targeted approaches.

It is challenging for schools to identify who is “at risk” of drug-related offenses due to the fear of individuals admitting to their habits. This presents a predicament for schools as they strive to balance discipline and empathy (Mclnnes, 2007). The use of sniffer dogs in schools raises concerns over the infringement of human rights (McKeganey, 2005). Blackman (in McInnes, 2007, p.) also questions the success of a policy that violates personal liberty.

According to argument (130), most drug education programs start with a bias towards illegal drugs and often focus on preventing drug use. The ongoing debate is whether drug education should promote drug use or discourage it. Harm reduction approaches assume that illicit drug use is normalized and it is essential to manage it rather than eradicate it. However, the prevailing attitude towards education leans towards abstinence rather than harm reduction. Some people think abstinence education inadequately prepares children to cope in a society where illicit drug use is prevalent.

It is unlikely for young individuals to accept negative teachings about drugs, particularly if they have had enjoyable experiences with them. Although there have been

appeals for the harm minimisation approach to be at the forefront of educational interventions, political concerns and preferences have caused it to be overlooked (McInnes 2007 p. 131). Consequently, young people are receiving less effective messages overall.

Media campaigns promoting abstinence from drugs often use fear tactics to discourage usage (Fluke and Donato in McInnes 2007 p. 131). "Talk to Frank," a current television campaign, exemplifies this approach by displaying a beating heart that abruptly stops, warning viewers about the dangers of cocaine. However, many young people discount the validity of these campaigns and instead rely on personal experience or the experiences of their peers (Rogers and McCarthy, 1999). Deterrent advertising is unlikely to convince today's youth, who are capable of recognizing when they are not provided with a fair representation of the situation.

The media tends to exaggerate the risks of drug use, but it's hard to gauge the impact of these campaigns. Criticisms of these policies appear logical. Meanwhile, drug education programs aim to educate students with accurate information. McInnes (2007, p. 33) quotes Dorn and Murji who suggest that providing information is beneficial.

Skill-based programs play a vital role in both the post-initiation escalation of drug use and in harm reduction. Such programs have specifically emphasized the importance of resisting peer pressure. While there is evidence linking drug use to peer influence, the cause-and-effect relationship has not been definitively established.

According to Coggans and McKellar (1994), the idea of peer pressure among young people is challenged as they select their own peer groups based on their beliefs and aspirations, including groups that offer access to drug experiences. Simpson (2003) supports this argument, noting that

some interviewees have complex life stories that contradict simplistic notions of peer pressure. Despite this, teaching young people to offer peer support has become popular, but its success depends on an accurate message about drug use. If the message is inaccurate, young people may question both the message and the messenger. To address sociological factors that influence drug use, the Life Skills Training (LST) program has been developed.

While some educational programs designed to prevent substance abuse have proven successful, their effectiveness can vary. One program that consisted of a series of lessons for 11-14 year olds was found to be effective in reducing cannabis use and drunkenness among participating children. However, the Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE) program delivered to 9 and 10 year olds in Mansfield did not result in any positive changes in the knowledge or attitudes of those children (McInnes, 2007 p.136).

After considering it without emotion, it seems that none of these programs have affected children. It's possible that education isn't the answer we're looking for. Blackman (2004) states that drug education initiatives have unimpressive results and are unlikely to be stopped.

Despite the potential counterproductivity of "warning based programmes" as demonstrated by McInnes in 2007, it is imperative to persist with education programs in the UK. While Blackman may disagree about drug education, other aspects of social life have benefitted from educational efforts and should not be completely disregarded.

Although a hammer may be used incorrectly, if used properly it can still be used to hammer a nail. In comparison to education policies, the treatment of drug-related issues has been more successful. A shared agenda was developed after Labour's re-election in 2001 which

called for criminal prevention and treatment approaches to work together. Carving out a more interventionist stance among medical professionals was also encouraged with the 1999 guidelines. Prior to this, the classic liberal philosophy governed drug treatment which allowed individuals to treat themselves. However, by the twentieth century it was clear that this approach had failed (Rose 1996, Garland 1985, in Webster 2007, p. 147).

The concept of neo-liberalism has caused a change in how self-government tasks are handled, with families and communities taking on more responsibility and local experts being consulted instead of professionals. Consequently, preventing drug use now emphasizes the involvement of families and communities. This strategy has led to the creation of different organizations, such as local DATs who have been assigned to combine various approaches (Webser 2007, p.).

The main policy debate is whether coercion or voluntary treatment is effective. Bean (2002) supports enforced treatment in the UK and claims that the issue is not coercion itself, but rather the poor implementation of criminal justice-based treatments like DTTOs. He argues that coercion has already been integrated into harm reduction, counselling approaches, and the criminal justice system. NTORS, the UK's largest drug treatment study, concluded that drug abuse is a chronic relapsing illness requiring personalized treatment, suggesting the need for a more balanced approach.

Despite suggestions that the British government is pursuing enforced treatment programmes, which are viewed as effective by some, the success of the approach remains unclear. The Criminal Justice Act of 2001 has introduced new coercive initiatives, indicating a leaning towards the use of coercion. Arguments in favor of coercion are largely based on the rise of drug abuse in the country rather

than empirical evidence. However, research into the effects of enforced treatment programmes is limited and offers little insight into successful mechanisms for treating young people. Control groups are also not often utilized. As a result, the effectiveness of both approaches, including coercion, is difficult to assess.

Despite validity concerns, drug treatment programs in the UK have received positive feedback from research (Lurigo 2000 in Webster 2007 p. 157). One such program is methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) for heroin, which has been found to significantly reduce use. While resident rehabilitation programs have high rates of early dropouts, they do prove successful for those who complete them (Mclnnes 2007).

The British drug policy is still in its early stages of development due to the recent rise in drug culture. The British system shows inexperience when dealing with the drug problem, but progress is being made in the treatment sector. However, measuring the success of different drug policies is difficult and hindering its progress. The effectiveness of education has been limited and overall, ineffectual. It is evident that British policy makers are still learning and pursuing ineffective policies based on fear mongering, which the youth are resistant against.

The legislative and preventative fields have gained extensive knowledge through various programs such as the Lambert scheme, which was developed through trial and error. However, the British drug policy requires significant improvements. It must acknowledge that abstaining from drug use is not a realistic goal and consensus rather than coercion is more effective. Addressing these issues will lead to an overall improvement of the policy.