Theory (710) – Flashcards

Amartya Sen's concept- capability to function - what a person does or can do with the commodities of given characteristics that they come to possess or control. freedom of choice is key (Todaro 2009 16)

Sen: "the feedom that a person has in terms of coice of functionings, given his personal featurs (conversion of charteristics into functiongs) and his command over commodities" p. 19

Technological progress is the path to sustained economic growth. In the long run, a combination of the growth rate of the labor force, the growth rate of the productivity of labor, and improvements in technology determine the real GDP (Y) of a country. Economies will conditionally converge to the same level of income if they have the same rates of savings, depreciation, labor force growth, & productivity growth (describes developed better than developing) (Todaro p. 146). Growth Model in which there are diminishing returns to each factor of production but constant returns to scale. Exogenous technological change generates most long-term economic growth. differs from Harrod- Domar (or Ak) in that it allws for subsittuion btwn capital and labor Solow's model of growth emphasizes the importance of technology in economic growth - jobs in high tech industries require skills and lead to higher wages - econ growth is depend on capital and labor - add more labor -capital has less impact-1) diminishing returns (slope- rises, then flattens) more people, less machines to go around 2)machine depreciation and new people entering- at some point, these will be equal is going to equal output- (2 lines cross- point of equilibrium)- innovation-technology is the driver of growth at this point Now refer to figure A3.2, which depicts an increase in savings rate from s to s'. The result is an increase in total investment but not an increase in the growth RATE. Note that while the economy is moving from the initial point to the new point it is growing but once there, the growth rate becomes zero. Eventually, every economy will reach a point where the desired savings rate is just sufficient to replace the depreciation and at that point the country's growth rate becomes zero. This point is called the steady state. The main assumption for the above discussion is that the technology remains constant. The only way a country can grow is via technology. Advancement of technology results in growth, i.e. the growth rate will be greater than zero.

The Harrod-Domar economic growth model is an empirical method of estimating the economic growth. Rostow's model is an explanation of historical growth of developed countries. The two should not be compared because their purposes are different. The former can be used to estimate the rate of growth for different combinations of labor and capital. It can be used to forecast what would happen if one or both components are change. The latter, however, has no way of answering such questions. It does not provide a way to grow an economy or identify what would make an economy grow or not. It does not provide any policy instrument to help with economic growth. One of the shortcomings of Harrod- Domar model is that it implies that an increase in saving will increase the RATE of economic growth.

Rostow (1960) -stages of growth model- entrepreneur class- this is a precondition for growth "take off," investment must reach "10% of national income" development can be stimulated by aid; foreign funds can provide the capital to- facilitate take-off , came up with the "Development Model" or "Modernization Theory "through International trade: 1) traditional 2) preconditions for takeoff 3) takeoff 4) drive to maturity 5) age of mass consumption

Artilce 1993, book 1996 Huntington identifies his central theme as "culture and culture identities...are shaping the patterns of cohesion, disintegration and conflict in the post-Cold War world" (Huntington 1996, 20). Huntington divides civilizations into distinct categories. He identifies the major civilizations as Sinic, Japanese, Hindu, Islamic, Orthodox, Western, Latin American and "possibly" African (Huntington 1996, 45-47) He also argues that Western civilization is weakened by societal values and multiculturalism. Huntington's division of the world into civilizations is problematic. While most are geographically based, such as Latin American and Sinic or Confucian, the "West" is an alliance of the U.S. and Europe (Huntington 1996, 45-47). The U.S. is an extremely diverse large and diverse country with many regional differences. Perhaps even more diverse are the countries of Europe, despite the fact that many European countries have joined the European Union Another fundamental flaw in Huntington's reasoning is his vision of multiculturalism as a threat. Huntington asserts that "Multiculturalism at home threatens the United States and the West; universalism abroad threatens the West and the world. Both deny the uniqueness of Western culture...A multicultural America is impossible because a non-Western America is not American" (Huntington 1996, 318). While multiculturalism might change the nature of a civilization, it does not destroy it. Much like interbreeding dogs results in a better personality, the mixture of different cultural traits can strengthen the existing society. For example, the US has been criticized for poor academic performance and a lack of work ethic as mentioned above. Hard working immigrants contribute to a changing picture; children of Asian immigrants often excel in school, raising the bar for all students. Immigrants from around the world, but particularly Mexico, work long hours to provide for their families and relatives. These traits strengthen western civilization, not weaken it.

Realism: world politics is driven by self-interest; competitive - pessimistic -politics are a zero sum game ; conflict is central and inevitable; intl system anarchical; conflict caused by states pursuing conflicting self-interests; best path to peace is to achieve balance of power; states are key; national interests = moral imperative policy= pursue self-interest/expand/preserve power claims that national security is the top priority for a state in order to survive in an international system with a continuous struggle for power. While classical realism displays fundamental pessimism about human nature, subsequent generations of scholars introduced new realist thoughts. Kenneth Waltz represents the philosophy of neo-realism that approaches the world politics with scientific tools. Other versions have also arisen, such as Mearsheimer's concept of offensive realism that emphasizes a belief that states assume the worst from one another and seek to maximize their share of world power. . *Think arms race & zero sum game Theorists/Authors: Hobbes, Clausewitz

Liberalism: optimistic - humans can cooperative, are interdependent; politics are not a zero-sum game; conflict is not inevitable - the intl system is anarchical, but there is some order; conflict is causes by a lack of central processes to regulate competition. Best path to peace is to increase interdependence, cooperation and adherence to international law. Intl orgs are key in addition to states- states should cooperate to achieve mutual interests right to life, liberty and property. Social contract is key: democracy over monarchy. Assumes everyone will do the right thing. Diplomacy is key and this assumes everyone is a rational actor. Use of organizations like the UN to avoid going to war. Again, stresses open markets, freedom and diplomacy. Theorists/Authors: Locke Liberalism or liberal institutionalism does not see the doom and gloom of a lasting conflict. Instead, its theorists believe that we can achieve a more peaceful world where cooperation is possible. While realists do not like change and strive to maintain the status quo, liberal institutionalists are partial to the concept of change and pursue it through international institutions, such as the United Nations, the European Union or even international law. Neoliberalism: even in anarchic states, cooperation can happen by building norms, institutions Theorists/Authors: Keohane

A movement in IR theory that examines how changing international norms and actors' identities help shape the content of state interests.Constructivism: do not make assumptions about human nature; they believe in ideas, communication and language; they believe reality is subjective; politics are not a zero sum game; like liberals, they believe conflict is central but not inevitable. The intl system is anarchical because it is assumed to be. Conflict is caused by assumptions of conflict and hostility. The best path to peace is to communicate to find common goals and ways to achieve them. NGOs IGOs and staes are key; morality is subjective. Policy makers should shape ideas and language to promote preferred reality. society/culture/history shape institutions and international relations. Aspects of international relations are socially constructed. (contra to neorealism/liberalism) Looks at how culture, language impact international structures/relations. Theorists/Authors: Wendt Constructivism, often regarded as a social or alternative theory, is a growing approach that focuses on social forms and ideas of international politics and how they influence relations among states. Similar to liberalism, constructivists concentrate on multilateralism and value international organizations to enhance the world peace.

rate of econ growth is dependent of level of savings and capital output ratio- high level of savings provides funds for investment, which can increase capital stock of an econ and generate econ growth through the increase in production of goods and services - Capital coefficient = the accelerator Rate of growth (Y) = Savings (s)/ capital output ratio (k)

Idea that democracies tend not to fight wars against one another and that the spread of democratic government can be the antidote to war in the international system Roots: Kant (perpetual peace), Thomas Paine, De Tocqueville Schultz (2001) then turns to his own explanation : democratic institutions force democratic leaders to reveal private information about their intentions, making it difficult for them to bluff in some circumstances but also making threats to use force more credible in others. In this view, democratic institutions reinforce the credibility of coercive threats when domestic opposition parties and publics support these threats, but they undermine the credibility of threats when domestic groups publicly oppose the use of force. Brady, Henry; David Collier (2010-09-16). Rethinking Social Inquiry: Diverse Tools, Shared Standards (Kindle Locations 3886-3889). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Kindle Edition.

Immanuel Wallerstein's theoretical approach which analyzes societies in terms of their position within global systems."a protest against the ways in which social scientific inquiry was structured for all of us at its inception in the middle of the nineteenth century.' a. Characteristics of World-System theory i. One social science not multiple disciplines like anthropology, economics, political science, sociology, etc. ii. Not history and social science, but one historical social scientist iii. Unit of analysis should be historical system, not society 1. Mini systems 2. World empires 3. World economies iv. Definition of capitalism - if situation of free workers working for wages in the enterprises of free producers is in a minority situation in the whole world, how can that be our definition v. On progress, it is not certain that there has been a linear trend, upward, downward or straightforward vi. World-systems analysis is a call for the construction of a historical social science that feels comfortable with the uncertainties of transition, that contributes to the transformation of the world by illuminating choices without appealing to the crutch of a belief in the inevitable triumph of good." Critiques: Robinson 2011: World System theory does not account for transnational processes "a new transnational capitalist class, a class group grounded in new global circuits of accumulation rather than national circuits" and "the rise off a transnational state, a loose network comprised of supranational political and economic institutions and of national sate apparatuses that have been penetrated and transformed by transnational forces" (Robinson 2011, 20). The changes are important and deserving of study; Robinson makes a valid point that world systems theory is outmoded in its view of states as rivals (Robinson 2011, 18). -' nation-state centrism' and 'state structuralism' in world-system theory impede the theory's ability to conceptualize the dynamics of globalization. Portes, Alejandro. 1997. modernization, dependency, and world systems theories do not take into account a state's domestic order, its classes, population size, and density. He advocates for economic sociology as a way to move beyond the neoliberal and market-oriented approach to development

1. Capital accumulation (including human capital), including all new investments in land, physical equipment and human resources thru improvements in health, education and job skills 2. Growth in population and thus the work/labor force 3. Tehchnological progress- new ways of accomplishing tasks (Todaro and Smith 2012, 140)

the focus of an economy as it develops will shift from the agricultural sector to the more productive industrial sector (which can include agricultural industry) (Todaro and Smith 2009, 115-118). Surplus laborers will be employed in the industrial sector.

A structuralist theory that offers a critique of the modernization model of development. Based on the idea that certain types of political and economic relations (especially colonialism) between countries and regions of the world have created arrangements that both control and limit the extent to which regions can develop. Theorists see the unequal relationship between core or center (the developed countries) and periphery (the underdeveloped countries), and call for restructuring or revolution (Todaro and Smith 2009, 122-23). This restructuring can take the form of import substitution industrialization, restricting imports so that domestic industry will develop. Raul Prebisch and Hans Singer see short-term opportunities for investment in industry when commodity prices are high, but argue that instead dividends are re-invested in commodities instead of fostering crucial industrial growth (Ardeni and Wright 1992, 803) Brazil's focus on exports and protection of domestic industry in the 1970s and 80s (Todaro and Smith 2009, 129) falls in line with dependency theory.Theotonio Dos Santos as saying "Dependence, then, is based upon an international division of labor which allows industrial development to take place in some countries while restricting it in others, whose growth is condition by and subjected to the power centers of the world" (quoted in Todaro and Smith 2009, 123).

placed the responsibility for lack of development squarely on the developing countries. These theorists argue that poor economic management, over-sized governments, and corruption are true causes of underdevelopment rather than a skewing of the international economy (Todaro and Smith 2009, 126-7). Todaro and Smith break the neoclassical backlash into three distinct groups: first, those that support a classical laissez-faire approach, discouraging government involvement; second, "public choice" which discourages government intervention as ineffectual; and third, open markets with limited government support (2009, 128).

promotes jump-starting an economy to counteract coordination failures or other weaknesses in the economy (Todaro and Smith 2009, 168). (Rosenstein Rodan 1943) Sachs promotes this in the End of Poverty (2005) $1 trillion in aid to Sub saharan Africa over the last 50 years is an example of a flaw in this theory

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that the divergence between rich and poor in a given country is chronic, has a tendency to increase, may contribute to the further downward spiral of underdevelopment, and sustain a two-sector model (Todaro and Smith 2012, pp. 124-125). This model's hypothesis is often advanced unknowingly by external actors' policies and relationships with the developing country. Knowledge of these models -- and their influence on economic development -- is critical to policy recommendations by international development scholars and practitioners.

a calculation measuring the value of a nation's exports against its imports. For example, a nation may export goods valued at $100 and import goods valued at $150. The terms of trade for this nation is 66.7%. A nation whose terms of trade is greater than 100% is attracting capital via the export market and a nation whose terms of trade is less than 100% is losing capital by importing more than it exports

a short term period of extreme difference in economic or social dichotomy , is that Dependency theorists consider dualism, or substantive divergences between rich and poor, to be chronic and persistent whereas other theorists such as from Structural-Change and Linear-Stages models, consider dualism to be temporary

Human Development Index (HDI), which ranks countries based on certain indicators. developed countries, or those who went to school in developed countries and return back to the elite society in developing countries, participate in creating indices of development that are skewed to one perspective.

Culture refers to the distinct ways in which minds are mapped or programmed as a result of the environment that we are raised in, leading to different behaviors and interpretations of the world around us (Hofstede, Geert and Minkov 2010, Loc 315-346). Hofstede, Geert and Minkov 2010 discuss several "dimensions" of culture that can be used to compare one cultural group to another. These dimensions include "power distance," "collectivism versus individualism," "Feminism versus masculinity," and "uncertainty avoidance." To these, the researchers added their colleague Michael Minkov dimensions of "exclusionism versus universalism, indulgence versus restraint, and monumentalism vs flexhumilty" (loc 1056).

it is social hierarchy between those in power and those following in different situations in society, including in the workplace and home (Hofstede, Geert and Minkov 2010, Loc 1168). A higher degree of power distance indicates a more hierarchical society, where employees are likely to expect and obey orders without being consulted for input by their boss. Employees in these societies at times will also rebel against these strictures, but the tendency is to either obey or not, without much middle ground. It is an accepted part of life. This distance is reflected in family relationships as well. Parents are shown respect even after children have left the house. China presents an interesting example of power distance. The foundations for power distance in China were laid out by Confucius (Kong-Fu Ze). He taught that unequal relationships between people were necessary for peace and stability, but that those in a dominant position had "mutual and complementary obligations" to their subordinates (loc 1538). It is these mutual obligations in not only work and family, but between friends that strengthen this cultural trait; when a leader fails in his or her duties, subordinates are more likely to rebel against the leader. The Communist Chinese leadership initially resisted this hierarchy; after all, the communist philosophy calls for no one person to dominate each other; all are equal. However, there is evidence that even Mao Zedong practiced it and persists in Chinese society today (loc 1538). Thus, power distance is deeply rooted and enduring.

- Turner & Ash wrote The Golden Hordes in 1975 - mass tourism that is superficial and even destructive Tourists are protected, see only superficial indigenous culture - The book's main argument is that tourism transforms destinations into undifferentiated and unpoliticized spaces in which hordes of `barbarians' purchase and consume physical and emotional pleasure. For the authors, mass tourism brings valuable foreign exchange that can add to local income in peripherical countries, but there is a high price to be paid: the systematic destruction of the landscape and the corruption of the local culture. (quote from Freire-Medeiros) Cohen - somewhat critical of Boorstin - no single tourist various tourist type. emphasizes the experiential, experimental & existential- it is impossible for less developed countries to hide all unique/strangeness so the protection of environmental bubble still allows tourists to view some of the unique aspects of a different culture and location MacCannell- challenges Boorstin's upper class view of others as tourist but "I am a traveler" - all tourists are on a quest for authenticity - the sacred. Tourism spaces are organized around staged authenticity to avoid intrusion into real lives- thus, pseudo events are a result of social relations, not a because tourists prefer staged events to an inauthentic experience - Alienated leisure- viewing sites of work as a tourist Crick - all cultures are staged and inauthentic to some degree

1) Pro & con- outside factors can have a big impact on tourism- lower airfares, lower price of fuel, Internet booking, finance organizations 2) "romantic gaze" interests promoting the view that locations must fully develop tourism potential 3) Benefits are often less than anticipated 4) Bulk of profits often go to transnational corporations foreign exchange go to other countries 5) Tourism is dramatically effected by weather, natural disasters especially problematic if tourism makes up a large percentage of the economy 6) Unequal benefits -profits may go to elite as well as foreigners 7) Nature of jobs- jobs created may reproduce the "servile character of previous colonial regimes." "flunkey training" (quoted in Crick 1988, 46).

- Transformations in the nature of capitalist production. Shift from organized to disorganized capitalism. Move from Fordism to post-Fordism, or from mass consumption to more individuated patterns of consumption. - Mass Consumption (Fordism): mass production, producers are dominant, limited choice; Thomas Cook set it in motion by popularizing tourism through mass consumption (made systems more organized, systematized, predictable - ticketing, guiding, conducted tours, block bookings) - Post-Fordism (differentiated) Consumption: consumers are dominant; greater differentiation of purchasing patters by different market segments; reaction of consumers against being part of a 'mass' and the need for producers to be more consumer-driven, especially in service; more specialized and based on non-mass forms of production (e.g. natural products). (The plantation sites differentiate their tours based on who is in the group and the responses they receive long the way.) - Shift from 'old tourism' which involves packaging and standardization to 'new tourism' which is segmented, flexible and customized. (Ex. British holiday camp was quintessential example of Fordist holiday making. In move to post-Fordism, they shifted to become 'holiday-worlds' and present themselves as places of choice, independence, etc. - Some changes are also transforming relations between tourism and other cultural practices. 'Post modernism' (a sig feature is importance of play, pleasure, theming). Globalization produces further shifts in production and consumption of tourism sites - esp. through internet. - In this post-fordism, we now see a need for the serive economy to be an experience economy (staff are performing, much like the tour guides at the plantation) (Ex. Disney theme parks) - McDonalidization is about standardizing, homogeneous consumption. Disneyization is about creating variety and difference.

Capitalism, not democracy, diminishes disputes and war. Free markets and development bring nations closer together and downgrade historic territorial animosities. It is widely accepted that democracies are less conflict prone, if only with other democracies. Debate persists, however, about the causes underlying liberal peace. This article offers a contrarian account based on liberal political economy. Economic development, free markets, and similar interstate interests all anticipate a lessening of militarized disputes or wars. This "capitalist peace" also accounts for the effect commonly attributed to regime type in standard statistical tests of the democratic peace

Repression works to suppress ethno-political mobilization in the short-run, but does not reduce the threat of secession. Power-sharing is more effective but can lead to larger minority identarian movements.

compare how the different types of colonization policies adopted by Europeans, based on whether or not they could safely settle, affected the political development of former colonies and how these have an important effect on their institutions today. In areas with more familiar and hospitable environments, Europeans adopted a policy of settlement and tried to replicate conditions in their home countries. This led to the establishment of strong institutions, emphasizing private property rights, enforcement of law and order, checks and balances in government, and economic growth and investment (Acemoglu, et. al. 2001, 1370). Examples include Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States. In contrast, Europeans implemented an extractive policy, designed to transfer of much of the resources in the colony to the colonizer, in areas where they faced higher mortality rates. The colonists established authoritarian and absolutist states with few constraints on power, with the purpose of solidifying their control and facilitating the extraction of resources (Acemoglu, et. al. 2001, 1375). These institutions did not provide protection for private property and did not ensure checks and balances against government corruption. Examples include sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Audits released about incumbents financial transactions- use of federal funds- had a significant impact on electoral success - presence of media seemed to have an interactive effect - presence of corruption x radio coverage

Finally, Parsons also considered social dynamism as occurring through the generalized media of interchange within and among the four action systems. The forms of generalized media, such as power, influence, money, and value commitments, allowed Parsons to study the ways in which some subsystems are able to interact with and shape other subsystems, as well as society as a whole. For example, the creation, expenditure, and circulation of power (which belongs to the polity) may allow the political system to shape society as a whole. This provided Parsons with greater insight into how societies change.

Milton.Friedman; problem = lack of faith in credit; solution = monetary manipulation (not tax changes); fed. Gov't needs to be more disciplined with spending- govt should creat sound monetary policy, up to private sector to create growth (Fairbanks 2000) Michael Fairbanks, "Changing the Mind of a Nation: Elements in a Process for Creating Prosperity," in Lawrence Harrison and Samuel Huntington, Culture Matters: How Values Shape Human Progress (New York: Basic Books, 2001), 268-81

Balance of power bi-polar systems of power are inherently more stable than multi-polar system

Hopf, Ted. 1991. The Offense-Defense Balance and War (constructivist perspective to IR) Summary: Hopf critiques Waltz's argument that bi-polar systems of power are inherently more stable than multi-polar systems, claiming that the offense-defense balance is a better explanation. This consists of relative military advantages, cumulative power resources, and strategic beliefs held by leaders. He claims the post-war international system has achieved the ultimate strategic defensive advantage - the ability to destroy the other no matter what the other chooses to do, making bi-polarity irrelevant. Nuclear weapons provide strategic defense dominance to explain post-war stability. The defensive advantage conferred by nuclear weapons implies a continuation of post-war stability.

Politics among Nations (1948), became the realist bible following World War II, argued that international politics is a struggle for power that can be explained at three levels of analysis: 1. The flawed individual in the state of nature struggles for self-preservation. 2. The autonomous and unitary state is constantly involved in power struggles, balancing power with power and preserving the national interest. 3. Because the international system is anarchic—there is no higher power to put the competition to an end—the struggle is continuous.

Neorealism, as delineated by Kenneth Waltz's theory of international politics, gives precedence to the structure of the international system as an explanatory factor, over states. o The most important unit to study is the structure of the international system, and that structure is determined by the ordering principle (the distribution of capabilities among states) o The international structure is a force in itself; it constrains state behavior and states may not be able to control it. This structure determines outcomes. o Like classical realism, balance of power is a core principle of neorealism. However, neorealists believe that the balance of power is largely determined by the structure of the system. o In a neorealist's balance-of-power world, a state's survival depends on having more power than other states, thus all power are viewed in relative terms. o Neorealists are also concerned with cheating. The awareness that such possibilities exist, combined with states' rational desire to protect their own interests, tends to preclude cooperation among states

Karl 1990 Def of democracy: set of institutions that permits entire population of adults to act as citizens by choosing their leading decision makers in competitive fair and regularly scheduled elections which are held in the context of the rule of law, guarantees for political freedom and limited military prerogatives (Karl 1990 2) JA Schumpeter (1943)- choice by people but among elites- that instit arrangement for arriving at polit decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people's vote - civil liberties are necessary condition of democracy also expanded to mean lack of discrimination, freedom of assoc, civilian control over military. n ot all of these apply to Latin Am *not just mere presence of elections

Purpose: This article examines the conditions make democracy possible and able to thrive. Previous scholarship argued that a number of prerequisites were necessary for the emergence of a stable democracy, including wealth, certain values, historical conditions, and the rise of a middle class. The wave of democratization in Latin America challenged all of these preconditions. Scholars now argue there is no general law of democratization or set of conditions necessary but it is more process-orientated, emphasizing contingent choice. In the transition to democracy, strong elite actors and social movements played key roles in bringing down the demise of authoritarian rule. The most frequently encountered types of transitions are those from above, where the traditional rulers remain in power. They successfully use strategies of compromise or force to retain at least part of their power and mutual guarantees of vital interests. They are inclusive of all politically significant actors and forego their capacity to harm others by guaranteeing not to threaten each other. They are bargained by elites to demobilize emerging mass actors and reassure traditional dominant classes their interests will be protected. They must arrive at consensus so no major elite is tempted to call upon the military. Karl identifies four modes of transition to democracy: reform, revolution, imposition, and pact. Transition through reform is politically fragile and can eventually lead back to authoritarianism. Revolutions generally produce stable forms of governments but such forms have yet to evolve into democratic patterns of fair competition, rotation of power and free associability. Revolutions tend to result in one-party dominant democracies. Imposition yields conservative democracies that cannot address equity issues and can lead back to authoritarianism. Transitions through pacts, mentioned above, are likely to produce corporatist democracies. Argument: Political democracies generally arise from a compromise between contending organizational elites that are unable to impose their will unilaterally. The dynamics of the transition to democracy revolves around strategic interactions and tentative agreements. Regime consolidation occurs when contending social classes and political groups come to accept some set of formal rules or understanding. The actors settle into predictable positions and legitimate behaviors by competing according to mutually acceptable rules. Structural and institutional constraints determine the range of options available to decision makers and may even predispose them to a specific option. No stable democracy has resulted from regime transitions in which the mass actors have gained control over traditional ruling classes. Efforts at reform from below have been met with subversive opposition from traditional elites.

outcomes depend less on objective conditions than subjective rules surrounding strategic choice (Karl 1990)

1959. Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy Summary: This article describes the social conditions and requisites for democracy, including values, social institutions, and historical events external to the political system. It examines how democracy has emerged and become stabilized through supporting institutions and values, as well as a self-maintaining process. Two principal complex characteristics of social systems will affect and sustain a stable democracy: economic development and legitimacy. Economic development involving industrialization, urbanizations, education, and wealth is a basic condition for sustaining democracy. The more wealthy a nation, the greater the chances it will sustain democracy; however, the single most important factor is education. The higher one's education, the more likely one is to believe in democratic values and support democratic practices. Higher education is clearly linked to rejection of strong-man/one-party government. In contrast, "homeless illiterates" provide a ready audience for political mobilization in support of extremist ideologies. Increase wealth and education will reduce intensity of commitment to ideologies and make them less likely to support extreme ones. Greater wealth also creates intermediary organizations and institutions which can act as sources of balance to centralized state power. Legitimacy means people believe that existing political institutions are the most appropriate or proper ones for the society. Prolonged effectiveness and economic development which lasts over a number of generations may give legitimacy to a political system. If a new system is unable to sustain the expectations of major groups for a long enough period to develop legitimacy, a new crisis may develop. Democracy seems to be more secure during transitional periods when the status of major conservative groups and symbols is not threatened even though they may lose most of their power. One main source of legitimacy and retaining citizen loyalty lies in the continuity of primary conservative institutions when new social institutions are emerging. For example, the social and economic structure which Latin America inherited prevented it from following the lead of the former English colonies, and its republics never developed the symbols and aura of legitimacy. The overthrow of dictatorships reflects the increased middle class, growing wealth, and increased education. In complex societies, two party systems are necessary because broad coalitions must be formed to maximize electoral support from a limited base. Parties cannot seek to serve only the interest of one major group so they must sharpen their differences from the opposition party and win support from discontents in the other group.

Purpose: The author suggests that oil and mineral wealth tend to make a country less democratic by showing that many of the poorest and most troubled states have the highest levels of natural resource wealth. Studies have shown these countries suffer from civil wars and grow more slowly than resource-poor countries. He offers the following three complementary possible explanations: rentier effect, repression effect, modernization effect. Rentier State: Governments derive a large fraction of their revenues from external rents from foreign investors, individuals, or corporations. This wealth provides them with budgets that are exceptionally large and unconstrained. They can use their oil revenues to relieve social pressures that might otherwise lead to demands for greater accountability. They are less likely to tax their populations and the public will be less likely to demand accountability and representation from them. Also, they can spend greater amounts securing patronage and loyalty which dampens pressure for democratization. Repression effect: Allows governments to spend more on internal security and military forces to block the populations' democratic aspirations. Governments can prevent social groups from forming that are independent form the state and might demand political rights. If resources are concentrated in one part of the country, extraction may promote or exacerbate ethnic tensions and makes civil war more likely. Modernization effect: If economic development does not produce cultural and social changes, it will not result in democratization. If resource-led growth doesn't lead to higher education levels and occupational specialization, it will fail to bring about democracy. Argument: Ross argues that many of the world's most troubled states are caught in a "resource trap" because they have high levels of oil and mineral wealth yet they have limited economic growth and an increased likelihood of civil war. He points out that oil does greater damage to democracy in poor countries than in rich ones. The harmful influence of oil is not restricted to the Middle East as non-fuel mineral wealth also impedes democratization.

This essay explores some of the principal assumptions and categories employed by analysts in thinking about problems of governmental behavior, especially in foreign and military affairs. Normally these are thought of in terms of implicit conceptual models that have significant consequences. Most analysts explain and predict the behavior of national governments in terms of the various form of one of the conceptual models, or Rational Policy Models. The model implies that nations will quit a war when the costs outweigh the benefits.

Ethics review processes are different across cultures. "Criteria and procedures related to ethical assessment of reseach are culturally determined: Diferent sociao-cultural settings as well as different disciplinary trasditions may have a different sensibility in the matters of ethcis, in general, and of ethical issues related to research in particular" When conducting research across nations and when cross-disciplinary, must be particularly aware of ethics. IRB requirements have an impact on results of comparative studies. Differences in recruiting and participant consent create data variation. These differences in requirements are due to ethical sensibilities rooted in native culture. Researchers should be sensitive when approaching qualitative methods that require a deep immersion in participants' experiences and narratives. Summary: Be aware of the impact of IRB on data collection and research. The ethics used to guide research are culturally contextual and may impact study results. ***** Abstract: In this paper we discuss the unique influences of ethics assessment procedures on comparative qualitative research. These influences are particularly pronounced when researchers are from different disciplines and in different countries. Focusing on our experience conducting a study on the perceptions of young people regarding HIV/AIDS in two countries (Italy and Canada), we describe the impact of the ethics assessment procedures in our respective countries on recruitment, sampling and comparability of findings. We also raise issues related to differences in ethics assessment processes from a disciplinary perspective. We conclude by suggesting that our theory of technique approach, which focuses on studying how the choices made in research implementation influence the study findings, should be extended to include the impact of ethics assessment procedures.

. 1973. Does Modernization Breed Revolution? Purpose: Polity - set of contenders which routinely and successfully lays claim to the government. The multiplication of polities is the key. A revolution begins when a government under the control of a single, sovereign polity becomes the object of effective, competing, mutually exclusive claims for two or more separate polities. A revolution end when a single polity, not necessarily the same one, regains control of the government. This multiple sovereignty can result from the attempt of one polity to subordinate another independent polity from the assertion of sovereignty by a previous polity; from the formation of a bloc of challengers which seizes control of some portion of the government apparatus; from the fragmentation of existing polities into blocs, each which controls some part of the government. The common denominator is multiple sovereignty. Three conditions appear necessary for a revolution: 1) The appearance of contenders or coalitions, advancing claims to the control of the government 2) Commitment to those claims by a significant segment of the population 3) Unwillingness or incapacity of the government to suppress the alternate claims. Repressive regimes deliberately demobilize their most likely opponents and closely control the opportunities for collective action by any other contender, to greatly reduce the chances that collective violence will grow out of contention for power. Violent resistance by separatist movements has commonly begun with attempts of national governments to increase their control over the periphery. Argument: Realignments, conflict, and Repressive policies will lead to revolution The structure of power, alternative conceptions of justice, the organization of coercion, the conduct of war, the formation of coalitions, the legitimacy of the state, are rational concerns that provide the main explanations of revolution. Population growth, industrialization, urbanization, and other large-scale structural changes do affect the probabilities of revolution. But they do so indirectly, by shaping the contenders for power, transforming the techniques of government control, and shifting the resources available to contenders and governemtns. There is no reliable and regular sense in which modernization breeds revolution.

explores the role of nationalism in Hypotheses on Nationalism and War (1994). Nationalism involves elements of both the state and individual. According to Van Evera, nationalism has two primary components: first, loyalty to a group or national community and second, seeking independence for that state (1994, 6). Van Evera separates causes of war into those that are proximate, or direct, and those that are remote, playing an ancillary role (1994, 7). Nationalism, according to Van Evera, is likely to cause war when nationalities seek to annex areas that contain a diaspora, when a nationality is stateless and when minorities are oppressed within a state (1994, 8). In the twentieth century, world nationalism led to conflict because at the same time arms became more readily available literacy caused greater capability. War results if the state from which nationalities wish to separate has the will and means to fight separation (Van Evera 1994, 17).

Levy 1983, 6). In examining the literature and historical record of wars, no such assumptions can be made. Specific types of misperceptions, such as overconfidence in the ability of the country's military to defeat opponents quickly and with minimal damage to their own forces is an important determinant in whether a country, given a choice, will risk war (Levy, 1983, 78, 98-99). . In addition, Johnson's fundamental misunderstanding of Vietnamese intentions and strengths going as the US became involved in Vietnam (2008, 394-397). WWI was caused in part by misperceptions that led to "conflict spiral" (Mingst and Arreguín-Toft 2010, 235).

. In addition, Johnson's fundamental misunderstanding of Vietnamese intentions and strengths going as the US became involved in Vietnam (2008, 394-397). WWI was caused in part by misperceptions that led to "conflict spiral" (Mingst and Arreguín-Toft 2010, 235).

misperceptions, the impact of individuals, the nature of states (type of government, economic system and ideology), nationalism and the balance of power within the international system. One of Van Evera's (1984) salient points is that people were not fully aware of the full impact of war, and thought that wars could be kept limited (58). This is one reason why we have less all-out wars today, as policy makers are aware of the potentially devastating effects of protracted war. As the nature of war and conflict change over time, making smaller conflicts more likely, scholars and leaders must be even more attuned to the myriad factors on all levels that can lead to conflict. In most cases, these conflicts are extremely detrimental to the states involved and are set backs to the developmental process. Stoessinger contends "Whereas aggression may be inherent, war is learned behavior and as such can be unlearned and ultimately selected out entirely" (2008, 386). While this might be an unattainable ideal, it is in the interest of leaders to avoid war so that their citizens have a chance to prosper. Security is fundamental to all developmental goals.

Identity refers to the outer trappings of an individual- this includes their occupation, hobbies, the ethnic group or religion, and those they hold in high esteem, what Hofstede, Geert and Minkov (2010) refer to as "heroes." Identity is visible and often demonstrated by what we do (Loc 629-630). Certain elements of identity are based on our actions and affiliations, and thus these parts of our identity can change over time more easily than culture. Hofstede, Geert and Minkov point out that identity "is conscious and not to be confused with culture which is usually unconscious" (2010 Loc 9364). Thus, identity is composed of elements with which an individual willingly associates his or herself. For example, a person might be of a certain ethnic group but choose to embrace it as part of their identity or downplay it in their daily lives. Identity can be based on the individual or group (Hofstede, Geert and Minkov 2010). Individuals identify themselves by the way in which they spend their time, such as parenting or working as a lawyer, and with self-identification, such as participating in activities related to ethnic background. Individuals and groups might identify with a particular nation or ethnic group. Religion also forms part of identity. Huntington points out that a nation's flag is an important symbol of its identity. In his view, the choice of thousands gathered in Sarajevo in 1994 choosing to brandish the flags of Saudi Arabia and Turkey and not the UN or NATO showed that they were identifying with Muslims and not western forces (Huntington 1996, 19). In this sense, identity is used to distinguish the group from the foreign "other." Who are We? The Challenges To America's National Identity. Huntington, Samuel. 2004

Who are We? The Challenges To America's National Identity. . He states that "The post-September 11 proliferation of flags may well evidence not only the intensified salience of national identity to Americans but also their uncertainty as to the substance of that identify" (Huntington 2004, 8). He also mentions that Americans do not form attachments to territory or land, but are take pride in our institutions ((Huntington 2004, 50-51) and seems extremely concerned with the number of non-English speaking immigrants in the population (319-23). Do you agree with him that the U.S. is facing an identity crisis? I'm curious if you and others in the class feel we need to have the same understanding of the U.S. and speak the same language to have a national identity conducive to a healthy nation. I agree with him that influxes of immigrations can cause discomfort and adaptations, such as having two dominant languages in many places rather than just English, but I wonder if that isn't part of the U.S. identity. Influxes of immigrants have occurred throughout history and affected the culture of the U.S. but perhaps not our identity as a nation that values freedom and has democratic institutions.

Huntington's (1996) book- conflict among nations will largely be about conflict over culture between nations of like culture versus other nations of a different like culture. Strengths culture in historical context. For example, the discussion on Western, Central, and Eastern Europe as being defined principally as Catholicism and Protestantism versus Orthodoxy explains how many European countries align themselves today. Many of the conflicts in the international system (Russia versus Turkey, US versus Iran) can be summarized along cultural lines, providing credence to Huntington's thesis. A weakness - culture as monolithic within blocks. Many of his divisions of culture are along religious lines. While some parts of the world remain religious, Does not adequately consider globalization Keohane and Nye (2000) advance the idea of complex interdependence and make globalization a key part of their thesis that wars are increasingly less likely In general, Huntington has a fatalistic outlook. Acevedo (2008) contends Huntington overstates Islamic fatalism. Recent events such as the turmoil in the Middle East are harder to explain by Huntington's thesis. The anger of the Muslim population is directed internally and not externally. Time will tell if the new governments are more favorably inclined toward the West, though Huntington would likely be skeptical. Shrestha and Gray (2006) argue progress made by Islamic and Confucian states toward democracy discredits Huntington. Weakness- underestimates economic connections. Gartzke's capitalist peace

Realist Leviathan -1651 - enlightened despot (1588-1679) An English royalist who tutored the future King Charles II in France during the English Civil War. He wrote Leviathan and argued in favor of absolute monarchy due to the evil state of nature of humans. Angered other royalists and supporters of Parliament.

The Spirit of the Laws 1748 (philosophical roots of liberal theory of IR) Liberalism (1689-1755) wrote 'Spirit of the Laws', said that no single set of political laws was applicable to all - depended on relationship and variables, supported division of government

the struggle for power- human lust for power is an empirical fact (1945)

A strategy to maintain an equilibrium, in which weak countries join together to match or exceed the power of a stronger country. It was one of the guiding principles of the Congress of Vienna

(1712-1778) Believed that society threatened natural rights and freedoms. Wrote about society's corruption caused by the revival of sciences and art instead of it's improvement. He was sponsored by the wealthy and participated in salons but often felt uncomfortable and denounced them. Wrote "The Social Contract."social contract 1762 Man is born free but everywhere he is in chains

complex interdependence A strategy for economic development that calls for free markets, balanced budgets, privatization, free trade, and minimal government intervention in the economy.

argued that Huntington igorned subtle differneces in society The Clash of Ignorances¸ published shortly after 9/11, Said argued that Huntington ignored "the internal dynamics and plurality of every civilization" and "the fact that the major contest in most modern cultures concerns the definition or interpretation of each culture".

History Theory and common ground- we cannot predit the future, but we can train and prepare for it. "Training is not forecasting. What it does do is expand ranges of experience, both directly and vicariously, so that we can increase our skills, our stamina-and, if all goes well, our wisdom."

Krasner on sovereignty 2007 Min 13:56- WE THINK of sovereignty as organic whole with clear rules 1) Intl legal sovereignty- juridical independ territorial units is recognized- you are in UN etc. (liberal thinking at domestic level) 2) Interdependent sovereignty (assoc with globalization) states losing control of movement of migration, capital flow, ideas 3) Domestic sovereignty- how effective domestic authority structures are

four important limitations to the structural realist model: the ability of leaders to perceive systemic stimuli correctly, the lack of clarity in the international system, the problem of rationality, and the difficulty of mobilizing domestic resources."