Housing Issues South Africa Essay Example

built or were under construction. Despite these efforts, problems with this process have become evident over time.
ATel.: +1 613 533 6000x77660; fax: +1 613 533 6090. E-mail address: [email protected]. http://www.housing.gov.za/ (accessed 2.03.06)

The government's response to the Habitat Agenda, called the Urban Development Framework (1997), has been criticized for supporting market-led urban development and reform (Huchzermeyer, 2001, p. 320). The issue of informal settlements, also known as shack dwellings, has sparked government debate. Harsh forced removal policies are being replaced by more lenient models. In September 2004, the government released Breaking New Ground, a new plan by the Department of Housing that demonstrates their newfound acceptance of diverse approaches to low-cost housing (DOH, 2004a).

In September 2005, a 'Housing Indaba' took place in South Africa with participation from the government, private sector, civil society, and academia. The main objective of this gathering was to prioritize the elimination or improvement of all slums in the country by 2014. Additionally, there has been a governmental emphasis on urban health and sustainable habitats. While the concept of sustainability can have different interpretations, this article adopts the UN's definition which defines 'sustainable development' as promoting human well-being while preserving ecological integrity over time. As part of their commitment to the 'Sustainable Habitats Agenda', the South African Department of Housing submitted a report to UN-Habitat in 2004 promising to achieve environmentally and socially sustainable human settlements while also fostering economic growth.

These policy developments offer hope for positive change but do not fully address the challenge of ensuring housing and amenities in a safe and sustainable environment. The analysis of urban settlements in South Africa reveals a history,

current situation, and projected future of unsustainability. South African cities are globally recognized as some of the most inefficient and wasteful urban environments. This paper examines the major obstacles to achieving a sustainable habitats agenda, particularly regarding affordable housing in urban South Africa, and presents potential solutions. The study considers both the national perspective and a case study of Pietermaritzburg (PMB), officially known as Msunduzi Municipality.

Source: http://www.housing.gov.za/Content/Social%20Housing%20Contract/Social%20Contract.pdf

ARTICLE IN PRESS A. Goebel / Habitat International 31 (2007) 291–302 293The text provides a methodology that incorporates statistical and documentary evidence, such as South African Census data from 1996 and 2001, government policy documents, and housing research literature on South Africa. Additionally, it includes a case study of Msunduzi Municipality, utilizing field-based research methods. This consists of key informant interviews with municipal officials, NGO leaders, and Ward Councillors, as well as a household survey conducted in April and May of 2006 in eight wards within Msunduzi Municipality.

The household survey used a cluster sampling method to choose areas that represented various low-cost housing options in the city, such as informal housing, traditional homesteads, older formal townships, in situ upgrades, and new RDP townships. The survey questions were created based on advice from key informants, stakeholders, and information from the literature. They focused on housing-related issues, health (including well-being measures), and the relationship between these issues and the environment.

PMB, which stands for provincial capital of KwaZulu-Natal Province, is a medium-sized South African city. It represents the historical and geographical development of urban conditions in South Africa. PMB used to be a racially segregated city during apartheid. However, it has now become a city with various

suburbs and townships, both formal and informal. This city still faces challenges stemming from its past, including social and environmental disparities in infrastructure and services, particularly along racial and class divisions.

Neo-liberal macro-economic policies have been identified as the main hindrance to sustainable low-cost housing in South Africa by experts on low-cost housing and service delivery. The policies, implemented by the ANC government since 1996 through the GEAR program, are blamed for the failures in addressing sustainable habitats in urban areas.

According to experts, the implementation of neo-liberal economic policy has worsened the marginalization and poverty of those who were already poor. This has led to high levels of unemployment (Beall, Crankshaw, & Parnell, 2002; Bond, 2003, Chapter 3). The poor are unable to afford essential services for a healthy urban life (Municipal Services Project http://www. queensu. ca/msp/). There are ongoing debates about the government's macro-economic policy choices since 1994 and their effectiveness (see Hirsch, 2005). The government faced difficulties in balancing its commitment to fiscal responsibility and the need to uplift historically disadvantaged groups. However, it is evident that neo-liberal policies have limited the funding available for public programs focused on social welfare. As a result, the low-cost housing program is underfunded, leading to delays in delivery and poor quality housing constructed on inexpensive urban outskirts (Huchzermeyer, 2003). Despite valid criticism, it is also true that the low-cost housing and service delivery programs have greatly improved access to urban services for the poor.

South African cities have received international recognition for their success in overcoming apartheid legacies and persistent inequalities. These cities have complex histories that strongly influence their development since

1994. The impact of segregated neighborhoods still persists, as new arrivals from Africa tend to settle in historically designated areas or on the outskirts of these regions. For more information on South African housing, visit http://housingstudies.wits.ac.za/housing_bib_1_e.htm.

Determining the current population of the city is challenging due to various factors. After 1994, municipal boundaries were expanded to include former farmland, Tribal land, and other peri-urban areas. This expansion significantly increased the population under municipal jurisdiction, which further grew rapidly due to rural-urban migration. According to the 2001 Census report, the municipal population was 553,223 and racially categorized as follows (in line with South African classification): African Blacks - 424,799; Coloureds - 18,450; Indians and Asians - 64,944; Whites - 45,030.

Estimates from key informants suggest that the current figures as of 2005 range between 800,000 and 1.5 million.

To learn more about this topic, you can read 'UN housing awards for SA.' (2003) by visiting this link. Townships also have a significant role in this situation. While wealthy black individuals now have the chance to reside in suburbs that were previously only for white residents, these areas still retain their exclusivity through measures such as gated communities. As a result, there is limited social interaction among people of different races and ethnicities within these neighborhoods.

The central business district in PMB and other South African cities has become accessible to black Africans as public space, while whites have chosen to stay in suburban shopping centers, avoiding the need to go to the CBD. This has led to a clear racial division in the city's urban geography, including residential areas and mobility patterns.

The unequal distribution of minority privileges also continues to persist.

The racial composition of the wards in Msunduzi Municipality, according to the 2001 Census, show a historically white city that has expanded to include black townships and formal Tribal areas. Many wards in the city are still predominantly made up of specific racial groups. However, the concern lies in the fact that historical inequalities in services, housing, and the urban environment also persist. The data from the 2001 Census on improved toilets in different wards in Msunduzi clearly demonstrates these ongoing inequalities. Although improvements have been made in historically disadvantaged areas, wards with predominantly black populations have the lowest rates of improved services due to uneven infrastructure development. Addressing these inequalities will be a complicated and costly task. The combination of race, space, and urban poverty presents challenging obstacles for pro-poor and pro-black housing and service delivery policies. While policy documents recognize the importance of densification in urban planning to tackle racialized geography and environmental issues, most low-cost housing developments still occur on the outskirts of the city because inner city land is expensive and controlled by powerful business interests.

According to housing policy, the market-led approach entails that the government must pay a fair market price for land. This approach may hinder the development of costly inner city land, as noted by Pieterse (2004). Additionally, certain scholars warn that proximity to the CBD may not always benefit impoverished black individuals.

Biermann (2004) warns that the central business district may not have low skilled job opportunities, and suggests that residents of low-cost housing estates may find better employment prospects in close

proximity to elite suburbs or other areas. Further research is needed to determine where job opportunities are located and the cost of transportation (Todes, 2003). This research should also consider the habitat situation, rather than just site location.

In Msunduzi, there are informal settlements such as Ash Road, which are predominantly inhabited by black people. These settlements are centrally located near the N3 highway and Willowton industrial area in Ward 33. Our household survey sample conducted there revealed that individuals choose to live in these settlements due to their close proximity to the CBD and the perceived better economic opportunities that may arise as a result. It is evident that any sustainable habitats plan in Msunduzi will need to incorporate aspects of densification, which in turn will require some level of racial integration. However, given the current circumstances, densification will undeniably be a slow and costly process.

Contemporary urbanization in South Africa is characterized by a higher proportion of urban residents compared to the rest of Africa due to its relatively advanced industrialization and economic dominance on the continent. Estimates from 2000 suggest that 56.9% of South Africa's population lived in urban areas, with projections indicating an increase to 64.2% by 2010 (UN-Habitat, 2003, Table B.2, p.253). However, like other African countries, South Africa also experiences significant informal peri-urban growth (Mbiba ; Huchzermeyer, 2002) and the emergence of informal settlements within city boundaries (Durand-Lasserve ; Royston, 2002, pp.-4).
According to the data from the 2001 Census, around 16.4% of households across the country are classified as 'informal' or 'squatter' settlements including those located in backyards or on municipal or private land (Durand-Lasserve ; Royston,

2002,p.23). Informal settlements often lack secure land tenure and reliable access to basic services and have unstable rental rates.
These patterns of urbanization are closely linked with high levels of unemployment and a widening wage gap (Source: Adapted from Statistics South Africa,Census 2001 Primary Tables KwaZulu-Natal).

The comparison between the Census data from 1996 and 2001 is presented in the South African Census 2001 Atlas website (http://www.statssa.gov.za/census2001/digiAtlas/index.html). The article discusses the disparities in the labor market between higher and lower sectors, leading to civil society demanding change due to increased poverty and economic inequalities. Public protests have taken place in South Africa, specifically in Pietermaritzburg (PMB), criticizing the perceived slowness of housing and service delivery programs.

Being the economic center of the KwaZulu-Natal Midlands region, Msunduzi Municipality is accountable for 80% of the region's economic turnover, attracting migrants from rural and international areas. The city's population has more than tripled in the last decade due to redemarcation of city boundaries and high levels of migration.

Informal settlements have expanded and often border industrial zones and other ‘‘dirty areas’’. Some settlements, like those in the Msunduzi River floodplain, are prone to natural disasters like flooding. In fact, a flood occurred in the city on Christmas day in 1995, resulting in the loss of approximately 160 lives and over 500 families losing their homes. All of these people were settled in flood risk areas. These conditions pose both short-term and long-term health and environmental risks, ultimately leading to costs for the city, province, and nation.

The percentage of informal dwellings in Msunduzi Municipality is 13%, which is slightly lower than the national average of 16.4% but higher

than the provincial average of 11% (See footnote 7.) The percentage of households in informal dwellings within KwaZulu-Natal province has remained stable between the two Census dates of 1996 and 2001. However, as the total number of households in the province has grown from 1.7 million to 2.1 million, the number of households in the province has increased from 186,000 to 226,000.

The percentages of households in 'Other' dwellings, such as backyard or shared property and undefined dwellings, have decreased. Traditional dwellings have also experienced a decline. However, there has been a significant increase in the percentage of households living in formal dwellings due to the national housing policy. It is important to be cautious when interpreting these statistics because the situation on the ground is constantly changing. For instance, according to UN-Habitat's recent report (UN-Habitat, 2004, Table 5.4, p. 107), slum dwellers represent 33% of South Africa's urban population.

The Censuses of both 1996 and 2001 included data on dwelling types categorized by race. In KwaZulu-Natal, it was found that the black African population experienced the biggest increase (35-48%) in households occupying formal dwellings. As expected, this group also saw a decrease in traditional dwellings and a higher proportion of people living in informal dwellings. These findings suggest that at the provincial level, significant changes are happening among the black African population, but there are also persistent insecurities.

The data from Census 2001 also show that the Msunduzi municipality has a relatively high proportion of "traditional" dwellings. This is because the municipal boundaries expanded after the 1994 elections to include areas that were previously under KwaZulu Tribal authorities. It is uncommon

for former apartheid cities to have such high rates of traditional dwellings within their boundaries. For instance, Johannesburg only has 1.0% of its dwellings classified as "traditional", while Durban (the largest city in KwaZulu-Natal) also includes former tribal areas but only has 7. % of its dwellings recorded as "traditional". These areas are typically less densely populated, have uneven service provision, and have unique institutional histories within the city. As a result, they present specific challenges for municipal housing and service delivery.

In South Africa, the responsibility for housing is now a significant role for municipalities. The ANC realized in the mid-1990s that centralized planning hindered local governments in effectively meeting local needs (Huchzermeyer, 2001, p. 303). Through the Housing Act of 1997, municipalities gained the power to participate in housing developments according to national policy. This involvement includes acting as a developer or contracting a developer to provide new housing (Huchzermeyer, 2001, p. 321).

Despite the presence of Housing Boards at both National and Provincial levels, funding for housing programs in South Africa is still controlled by the National government (Jenkins, 1999, p. 434). This leads to bureaucratic complexities when accessing funds at local levels. Furthermore, cities in South Africa have taken on new roles and responsibilities in environmental protection as part of the Local Agenda 21 programs mandated by the Agenda 21 process. These added responsibilities, combined with declining economic growth rates and limited new revenue streams, result in what is known as 'unfunded mandates' in South Africa (Beall et al., 2002, pp. 16–17). In fact, nonpayment for traditional municipal services is pushing South African cities towards bankruptcy and prompting them

to search for innovative funding solutions (Huchzermeyer, 2001, p. 318). This situation is not exclusive to South Africa; cities worldwide face challenges in financing basic urban services such as trunk water supply and sanitation for their growing populations.

As urban populations increase, the need for basic services will surpass what local governments can offer online. Due to funding limitations, cities cannot fund these projects independently. Consequently, cities will collaborate with various government levels and financial institutions to establish sustainable municipal finance systems. In Msunduzi's case, a lack of capacity and complicated bureaucracies impede the fulfillment of housing and environmental mandates. Furthermore, staff turnover and sluggish hiring processes add pressure on the already overwhelmed and under-resourced dedicated few.

The delivery is not being supported. To put it briefly, there is a human capital crisis in South Africa, which could be considered the biggest obstacle to development in the country. The education policy during Apartheid hindered the creation of human capital for over a generation, unknowingly creating the most critical economic restraints on the future expansion of the democratic South African economy (Hirsch, 2005, p. 17). Please see the Municipal Services Project (http://www.queensu.ca/msp/) for more information. ARTICLE IN PRESS A. Goebel / Habitat International 31 (2007) 291–302 297

Urban development for sustainable habitats encounters obstacles resulting from social, political, institutional, and economic circumstances. It is crucial to acknowledge the impact of social, economic, and environmental factors in the planning, execution, and decision-making processes to serve both present and future generations effectively. Nevertheless, municipalities face challenges in meeting the housing and service requirements of marginalized communities due to considerable societal inequalities and city fragmentation brought

about by apartheid.

Although it remains difficult to create environmentally healthy and sustainable communities, there are positive signs in affordable housing policies that address the needs of disadvantaged individuals while also providing environmental benefits. It is essential to acknowledge that poverty alone does not account for the ecological impact of cities. By adopting an environmental justice approach, we can set goals and objectives for promoting sustainable development in the low-cost housing sector.

Environmental justice is about ensuring that all people are treated fairly and equally, regardless of their socioeconomic status or where they live. Those who live in low-cost housing often experience significant environmental harm, like pollution in informal settlements where proper sanitation is lacking. Delicate ecosystems such as estuaries and wetlands are also at risk of disturbance. Furthermore, building new communities on the outskirts of cities raises concerns about more vehicle usage and increased greenhouse gas emissions.

However, according to Irurah and Boshoff (2003), the ecological footprint of the low-cost housing sector is minimal due to the low energy and water usage of its impoverished residents. Similarly, others argue that while environmental issues in low-income settlements lead to illness and mortality, their impact on global environmental degradation is insignificant. As these settlements become wealthier, environmental burdens become less concentrated and more removed, ultimately leading to the displacement of these burdens.

Poor communities have a minimal distal environmental impact compared to more affluent communities due to their low levels of resource consumption and their inclination to reuse and recycle (Plessis & Landman, 2002, p. 58). For instance, South African cities lose more municipal water through decaying urban infrastructure than the poor

consume through the 25 litres/person/day 'life line', while the suburban elite accounts for roughly 50% of South Africa's domestic water usage (Plessis ; Landman, 2002, p. 52).

In spite of the expensive electricity, households in Msunduzi continue to use hazardous fuels like paraffin and wood for cooking and heating, even though they have access to electricity. This reliance on alternative fuels not only impacts low-income areas but also urban areas, thereby straining South Africa's energy supply. It is therefore vital to address the environmental consequences of cities beyond solely targeting low-income individuals and areas. The DOH (2004b) document emphasizes the importance of altering consumption and production patterns; however, there has been limited advancement in these aspects thus far.

The rising new black elite is known for their over-consumption habits, which include buying large personal vehicles and homes. Industries also engage in environmentally damaging practices without facing consequences. However, the Breaking New Ground initiative shows positive signs in addressing sustainable habitats. This includes offering support for in situ upgrades, acknowledging criticisms of the traditional housing approach, providing social housing options, and establishing a clear connection between health and housing.

The text highlights the challenges faced when implementing in situ upgrades of informal settlements, which have been promoted by pro-poor groups. These upgrades involve difficulties regarding tenure issues and land management. While forced evictions are still occurring and causing political turmoil, new policies are supporting upgrades in certain cases. In Msunduzi, for instance, upgrades have been facilitated in locations such as Peace Valley 2 in Edendale and Cinderella Park in Willowton. The image in Figure 1 showcases the ongoing upgrade process in Peace Valley 2, where

formal housing, electricity, municipal water, and sewerage have been provided to the previously informal settlement. This program enables residents to remain close to economic opportunities and established transportation routes.

The eviction of informal settlements typically entails forced removals, but the People's Housing Process offers a more respectful alternative. Additionally, it provides construction skills training through the Built Environment Support Group (BESG). Our survey revealed that residents in upgraded areas expressed higher satisfaction with their homes compared to those residing in newly developed outskirts of the city, which was also included in our study.

Despite the challenging living conditions in these communities, they have managed to establish a strong sense of place and community. However, one of the settlements we surveyed, Ash Road, had a less positive view of their homes. While there is access to communal water, there is no electricity or sanitation services and the housing quality is extremely poor. Additionally, many houses are located in flood-prone areas and experience high crime rates. Nonetheless, residents choose to live in this risky and unpleasant housing due to its convenient proximity to the central business district.

The municipality has focused on recruiting residents from this area for the new low-cost housing in peripheral areas. However, some residents choose to return to Ash Road after being relocated, claiming that the location and lack of services in the new township disrupt their livelihood strategies. While the policy allowing for the upgrading of informal settlements in their original location is a positive step, it is important to note that certain areas, like Ash Road, are not suitable for formal settlement due to environmental factors.

Peace Valley 2 is facing challenges due to its proximity to an oil refinery, resulting in poor air quality. Additionally, one of its boundaries is located in a flood plain. The necessary upgrades will need to be implemented on a site-by-site basis. This willingness to support improvement projects shows a broader acceptance of criticisms towards the development of new townships in peripheral areas, which was prevalent during the initial phase of low-cost housing programs. In 2002 and 2003, municipal officers in Msunduzi showed political sensitivity towards these developments. During a stakeholder workshop held in June 2006, our partners from the municipal government expressed their active pursuit and endorsement of new models for delivering affordable housing at all levels of government. Social housing provides another option by offering subsidized rental accommodations for low-income households within multi-unit buildings situated in urban areas.

Although municipal council flats existed during apartheid, social housing options were not prominent within the national low-cost housing program until recently.

The website link for information about housing in South Africa is "http://www.gov.za/about-sa/housing".

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The URL for Queen's University is http://www.queensu.ca/

The document "Sustainable Building and Construction in Africa" can be accessed at http://www.scp-centre.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/28_Tessema_Taipale_Bethge__2009__Sustainable_Building_and_Construction_in_Africa_en.