Federal Govt Chapter 18

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The United States spends hundreds of billions of dollars—far more than any other country—on its military and weapons.
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Ever since George Washington, in his Farewell Address, warned the American people “to have. . . as little political connection as possible” with foreign nations and to “steer clear of permanent alliances,” Americans have been distrustful of foreign policy.
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Despite their distrust, the United States has been forced to pursue its national interests in the world through a variety of means, including diplomacy, economic policy, and entangling alliances with other nations and involvements with international organizations
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Even today, in the era of the all-volunteer military, thousands of recent college graduates (and numerous current college students) have served in America’s military forces in Iraq and Afghanistan,
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Writing in 1989 historian Geoffrey Perret commented that no other nation “has had as much experience of war as the United States.”
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Between 1989 and the present, American forces have fought two wars in the Persian Gulf and a war in Afghanistan, while engaging in lesser military actions in Panama, Kosovo, Somalia, and elsewhere.
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America currently spends approximately $640 billion per year on its military and weapons programs—a figure that represents over one-third of the world’s total military expenditure and over three times the amount spent by the People’s Republic of China, the nation that currently ranks second to the United States in overall military outlays.
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As the global economic crisis that began in 2008 revealed, “our” economic interests and “their” economic interests are intertwined. Environmental concerns are global, not national.
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The term foreign policy refers to the programs and policies that determine America’s relations with other nations and foreign entities.
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Foreign policy includes diplomacy, military and security policy, international human rights policies, and various forms of economic policy, such as trade policy and international energy policy.
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America’s decisions in its foreign policy impact domestic policies and outcomes.
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The nation’s chief foreign-policy makers are the president, Congress, and the bureaucracy.
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In the foreign policy arena, the institutional powers of the presidency give presidents and their allies an advantage over political forces based in Congress, although Congress is not without resources of its own through which to influence the conduct of foreign policy.
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Although U.S. foreign policy has a number of purposes, three main goals stand out. These are security, prosperity, and the creation of a better world.
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To many Americans, the chief goal of the nation’s foreign policy is
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protection of America’s security in an often hostile world.
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The United States has been concerned about threats that might emanate from other countries, such as Nazi Germany during the 1940s and then Soviet Russia until the Soviet Union’s collapse in the late 1980s.
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Non-state actors
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groups other than nation-states that attempt to play a role in the international system. Terrorist groups are one type of non-state actor
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To protect the nation’s security from foreign threats, the United States has built an enormous military apparatus and a complex array of intelligence-gathering institutions, such as the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), charged with evaluating and anticipating challenges from abroad.
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Security is, of course, a broad term. Policy makers must be concerned with Americans’ physical security. They must also be concerned with such matters as the security of America’s food supplies, transportation infrastructure, and energy supplies.
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In recent years, cyberspace has become a new security concern. The nation’s dependence on computers means that the government must be alert to efforts by hostile governments, groups, or even individual “hackers” to damage computer networks or access sensitive or proprietary information.
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During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, American security was based mainly on the geographic isolation of the United States.
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Isolationism
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avoidance of involvement in the affairs of other nations
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President James Monroe warned foreign powers not to meddle in the Western Hemisphere. Washington’s warning and what came to be called the Monroe Doctrine were the cornerstones of the U.S. foreign policy of isolationism until the end of the nineteenth century.
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The United States saw itself as the dominant power in the Western Hemisphere and, indeed, believed that its “manifest destiny” was to expand from sea to sea.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, despite its isolationist sentiments, the United States entered World War I on the side of Great Britain and France when the Wilson administration concluded that America’s economic and security interests would be adversely affected by a German victory. In 1941, America was drawn into World War II when Japan attacked the U.S. Pacific fleet anchored at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii.
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Until the Japanese attack, however, President Roosevelt had not been able to overcome proponents of American isolationism, who declared that our security was best served by leaving foreigners to their own devices.
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Containment
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a policy designed to curtail the political and military expansion of a hostile power
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Appeasement
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the effort to forestall war by giving in to the demands of a hostile power
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The policies that the United States actually adopted, deterrence and containment, could be seen as midway between preventive war and appeasement.
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Cold War
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the period of struggle between the United States and the former Soviet Union lasting from the late 1940s to about 1990
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During the era of confrontation with the Soviet Union, known as the Cold War, the United States frequently asserted that it had no intention of attacking the Soviet Union.
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The United States built a huge military force, including a vast arsenal of over 1,500 nuclear warheads, and frequently asserted that, in the event of a Soviet attack, it had the ability and will to respond with overwhelming force.
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This heavily armed standoff came to be called a posture of mutually assured destruction. Eventually, this situation led to a period of “dĂ©tente,” in which a number of arms control agreements were signed and the threat of war was reduced.
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During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in an arms race, each acquiring nuclear weapons to deter the other from attacking.
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A policy of deterrence requires not only the possession of large military forces but also that the nation pursuing such a policy convince potential adversaries that it is willing to fight.
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Though the United States had no particular interests in Korea or Vietnam, American policy makers believed that if the United States did not fight in these areas, the Soviets would be emboldened to pursue an expansionist policy elsewhere, thinking that the Americans would not respond.
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Interventions in Korea and Vietnam were also justified by the so-called Truman Doctrine, which called for American assistance to any nation threatened by the Soviet Union and its allies.
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The dissolution of the Soviet Union began in 1985, and the final collapse occurred in 1991, partly because the USSR’s huge military expenditures undermined its creaky and inefficient centrally planned economy.
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The September 11 terrorist attacks demonstrated a threat against which some security scholars had long warned: that non-state actors and so-called rogue states might acquire significant military capabilities, including nuclear weapons, and would not be affected by America’s deterrent capabilities.
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The U.S. invasion of Iraq was an example of preventive war. The Bush administration argued that it had to strike Iraq first, before Iraq used weapons of mass destruction to attack American interests.
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A policy of deterrence assumes certainty and rationality. This may not be valid in the context of contemporary security threats.
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Certainty means that a potential adversary must know for sure that the United States will reply with force if attacked.
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Rationality means that, to be deterred, a potential adversary must be capable of rationally assessing the risks and costs of aggression against the United States.
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Nation-states
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political entities consisting of a people with some common cultural experience (nation) who also share a common political authority (state), recognized by other sovereignties (nation-states)
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Unlike nation-states, which are countries with governments and fixed borders, terrorist groups are non-state actors having no fixed geographic location that can be attacked.
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Rogue states are nations with unstable and erratic leaders who seem to pursue policies driven by ideological or religious fervor rather than careful consideration of economic or human costs (i.e. North Korea and Iran). To counter these new security threats, the George W. Bush administration shifted from a policy of deterrence to one of preventive war
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Preventive war
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policy of striking first when a nation fears that a foreign foe is contemplating hostile action
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The Bush administration’s “Global War on Terror” is an expression of this notion of prevention, as was the U.S. invasion of Iraq.
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During the 1990s the budget for national defense declined as the country enjoyed a “peace dividend” following the conclusion of the Cold War.
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After the attacks of September 11 and the commencement of the war on terrorism, however, national defense spending rose steadily; in a decade, spending increased by 70 percent.
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In June 2014 in a commencement address at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, President Obama signaled a shift in American military policy. The president declared that U.S. policy had led to what he described as too many “military adventures.” In the future, said the president, American policy would be based on collective action and restraint.
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President Obama said that nonmilitary options, including diplomacy and economic sanctions, should always be tried first.
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This emphasis on diplomacy, sanctions, and collective action seemed to characterize the president’s responses to three major foreign policy problems encountered by the administration. These were:
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the Russian quasi-annexation of the Crimean area of Ukraine, the Iranian nuclear program, and the North Korean effort to build missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads.
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Russian prime minister Putin said Russia’s military actions against Ukraine were necessary to prevent disorder and bloodshed and to reassert Russia’s historic rights to the region.
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Many of America’s European allies depend on Russian energy supplies and engage in a good deal of trade with the Russians.
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Iran and the United States have been adversaries since 1979, when Iranians overthrew an unpopular U.S.-backed leader, Shah Reza Pahlavi. To prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons, U.S. presidents have used both carrots and sticks in the form of diplomacy and sanctions.
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In the case of North Korea, however, American diplomacy has been futile because North Korea’s major backer and trading partner—China—will not cooperate with any effort by the United States to undermine the North Korean regime.
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China regards North Korea as a useful pawn on the geopolitical chessboard, preventing the United States and two of its allies, Japan and South Korea, from dominating the Sea of Japan.
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America’s Asian allies, including Japan and South Korea, fear the growth of Chinese economic and military power on their borders and look to the United States as a counterweight to China. Fear that America is no longer a reliable protector may well lead the Japanese and South Koreans to build their own nuclear forces. Hence, an irony: a more peaceful America may produce a more dangerous world.
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A group calling itself ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) was able to overrun large portions of Syria and Iraq and was deemed by the president to pose a threat to American interests.
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In September 2014, President Obama seemed to shift away from his West Point pronouncements by ordering air strikes against Islamic militants operating in Iraq and Syria.
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A second major goal of U.S. foreign policy is promoting American prosperity.
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America’s international economic policies are intended to
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expand employment opportunities in the United States, to maintain access to foreign energy supplies at a reasonable cost, to promote foreign investment in the United States, and to lower the prices Americans pay for goods and services.
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Among the most visible and important elements of U.S. international economic policy is trade policy.
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The promotion and advertising of American goods and services abroad is a long-standing goal of U.S. trade policy, and it is one of the major obligations of the Department of Commerce.
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Modern trade policy involves a complex arrangement of treaties, tariffs, and other mechanisms of policy formation. It is always complicated because most Americans benefit from a policy of free trade, which tends to reduce the cost of goods and services.
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However, many American industries and their employees are hurt page 733 by free trade if it results in factories and jobs moving abroad.
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World Trade Organization (WTO)
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international organization promoting free trade that grew out of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; most important international organization for trade promotion
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General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
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international trade organization, in existence from 1947 to 1995, that set many of the rules governing international trade
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Since World War II, GATT had brought together a wide range of nations for regular negotiations designed to reduce barriers to trade. Such barriers, many believed, had contributed to the breakdown of the world economy in the 1930s and had helped cause World War II.
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North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
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trade treaty among the United States, Canada, and Mexico to lower and eliminate tariffs among the three countries
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Critics contend that the WTO does not pay sufficient attention to the concerns of developing nations or to such issues as environmental degradation, human rights, and labor practices, including the use of child labor in many countries. Countries in the developing world accuse the United States and Europe of hypocrisy in preaching free trade but then using patents and subsidies to protect their markets.
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Such patents make desperately needed drugs unavailable to most of the developing world.
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One of the most controversial areas of trade liberalization is agriculture.
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Since 2001 the WTO trade talks—called the Doha Round because they began in Doha, Qatar, in 2001—have focused particularly on reducing trade barriers in agriculture.
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Such subsidies keep the prices high of commodities like wheat and corn, helping to ensure that farmers make a profit. Both the United States and Europe have been reluctant to reduce subsidies and tariffs because farmers are important political constituencies.
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Developing countries have long imposed tariffs on agricultural products to limit the entry of these artificially cheap products, which would otherwise destroy their agricultural sector.
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The United States has a “trade deficit” with the rest of the world, which means it imports more goods and services from abroad than it exports.
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Some assert that a deficit means the United States is a debtor nation, living beyond its means. Others assert that the trade deficit reflects investment in American productive capabilities.
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During the mid-1990s the United States began to cut agricultural subsidies, but in the lead-up to the 2002 elections, President Bush signed a very generous farm bill that reinstated many of these subsidies.
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Moreover, outsourcing, the practice of moving jobs to other countries, began to hit the white-collar workforce, as jobs for workers such as call center operators and computer programmers moved to India and other countries with cheaper labor forces.
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While only about 1 percent of the federal budget is devoted to foreign aid and assistance programs, the United States does spend tens of billions of dollars every year to support diplomatic relationships, provide humanitarian relief, and strengthen democratic institutions in other countries around the world.
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A third goal of American policy is to make the world a better place for all its inhabitants. The main forms of policy that address this goal are international environmental policy, international human rights policy, and international peacekeeping.
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The United States also contributes to international organizations that work for global health and against hunger, such as the World Health Organization.
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Moreover, although the United States spends billions annually on security policy and hundreds of millions on trade policy, it spends relatively little on environmental, human rights, and peacekeeping efforts.
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In the realm of international environmental policy, the United States supports a number of international efforts to protect the environment. These include:
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These include the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Montreal Protocol
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The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
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an international agreement to study and ameliorate harmful changes in the global environment.
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The Montreal Protocol
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an agreement signed by more than 150 countries to limit the production of substances potentially harmful to the world’s ozone layer.
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Other nations have severely criticized the United States for withdrawing from the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, an agreement setting limits on emissions of greenhouse gases from industrial countries.
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The United States has asserted that the Kyoto Protocol would be harmful to American economic interests.
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The “Copenhagen Climate Summit,” however, failed to produce a binding international agreement on a new climate treaty and ended with the United States, Europe, and China blaming one another for the lack of concrete results.
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One of the most basic ways that the United States promotes international humanitarian goals is by providing food, medical supplies, and other necessities to regions experiencing crises.
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The United States has a long-standing commitment to human rights and is a party to most major international human rights agreements. These include:
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the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN Convention against Torture, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and various agreements to protect children.
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The State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor works cooperatively with international organizations to investigate and focus attention on human rights abuses.
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International Religious Freedom Act (1998)
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which calls on all governments to respect religious freedom.
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Although the United States is committed to promoting human rights, this commitment has a lower priority in American foreign policy than the nation’s security concerns and economic interests.
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Another form of U.S. policy designed to improve the condition of the world is support for international peacekeeping efforts. In cooperation with international agencies and other nations, the United States funds a number of efforts to keep the peace in volatile regions and to deal with the health care and refugee problems associated with conflict.
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As the world’s wealthiest nation, the United States also recognizes an obligation to render assistance to nations facing crises and emergencies (i.e. Haiti, Japan, South Sudan)
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As we have seen, domestic policies are made by governmental institutions and influenced by a variety of interest groups, political movements, and even the mass media. The same is true in the realm of foreign policy.
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The president and his chief advisers are the principal architects of U.S. foreign policy. However, Congress, the bureaucracy, the courts, political parties, interest groups, and trade associations also play important roles in this realm.
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Ethnic lobbies such as the pro-Israel lobby and the Armenian lobby also seek to affect foreign policy.
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It was not unusual that Clinton’s successor, George W. Bush, had virtually no foreign policy preparation prior to taking office. He had traveled very little outside the United States, and he had had virtually no foreign experience as governor of Texas.
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Bush was decisive in the initiatives he took to define America’s national interest for his administration. Examples include:
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revival of the controversial program to develop a nuclear missile shield (“Star Wars”); his abandonment of the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) treaty, which alienated Russia; changes in policy priorities away from humanitarian and environmental goals and toward goals more specifically within the realm of national security; and turning America’s concerns (by degree or emphasis) away from Europe and toward an “Asia-first” policy.
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September 11 and its aftermath immensely accentuated the President Bush’s role and his place in foreign policy.
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Bush Doctrine
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foreign policy based on the idea that the United States should take preemptive action against threats to its national security
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By 2010, President Obama had put his own stamp on American foreign policy, altering the conduct of America’s war in Afghanistan and seeking to compel the Israelis and Palestinians to accept a Middle East peace deal. Obama also sought to engage more fully America’s allies, who had been miffed by the previous administration’s tendency to engage in unilateral action, and the United States worked closely with its NATO allies in 2011 to bring an end to the Libyan dictatorship of Mu’ammar Qaddafi.
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During the course of his first year in office, Obama also concluded direct U.S. military involvement in Iraq and began to withdraw American forces from Afghanistan. One of Obama’s triumphs was the military raid that resulted in the killing of Osama bin Laden, who had long been sought by the United States for his role in the September 11 terrorist attacks.
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The major foreign policy actors in the bureaucracy are
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the secretaries of the departments of State, Defense, and the Treasury; the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS), especially the chair of the JCS; and the director of the CIA.
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The National Security Council (NSC)
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It is a “subcabinet” made up of the president, the vice president, the secretary of defense, and the secretary of state, plus others each president appoints; Since 1947 this separate unit in the White House has overseen the vast foreign policy establishment for the purpose of synthesizing all the messages arising out of the bureaucracy and helping the president make his own foreign policy.
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Since the profound shake-up of September 11, two additional key players have been added to the NSC:
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The first of these was the secretary of the new Department of Homeland Security (DHS), The second key player was imposed at the top as the war in Iraq was becoming a quagmire: a director of national intelligence
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Department of Homeland Security (DHS)
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composed of 22 existing agencies relocated from all over the executive branch to make a more efficient single organization designed to fight international terrorism and domestic natural disasters.
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Director of national intelligence
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to collate and coordinate intelligence coming in from multiple sources and to report a synthesis of all this intelligence to the president, on a daily basis.
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Since the creation of the CIA in 1947 and the Department of Defense in 1949 (replacing the Department of War), the secretary of defense and the director of the CIA have often been rivals engaged in power struggles for control of the intelligence community.
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Secretaries of defense have prevailed in these battles with the CIA, and the Defense Department today controls more than 80 percent of the nation’s intelligence capabilities and funds.
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The creation of the position of director of national intelligence in 2005 to coordinate all intelligence activities set offpage 740 new Washington power struggles as the “intelligence czar” faced opposition from both the CIA and the Department of Defense.
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In addition to these top cabinet-level officials, key lower-level staff members have policy-making influence as strong as that of the cabinet secretaries, and occasionally even stronger. These include:
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the two or three specialized national security advisers in the White House, the staff of the NSC (headed by the national security adviser), and a few other career bureaucrats in the departments of State and Defense, whose influence varies according to their specialty and to the foreign policy issue at hand.
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A few civilian intelligence agencies are also involved in foreign policy and national security, the most important of which are:
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the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS).
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In recent years, American ambassadors have complained that they have been relegated to secondary status as the White House has looked to military commanders for information, advice, and policy implementation.
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For every region of the world, the U.S. military has assigned a “combatant commander,” usually a senior general or admiral, to take charge of operations in that area.
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Although the Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war, Congress has exercised this power on only five occasions:
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the War of 1812, the Mexican War (1846), the Spanish-American War (1898), World War I (1917), and World War II (1941).
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The Senate was the only important congressional foreign policy player because of its constitutional role in reviewing and approving treaties. The treaty power is still the primary entrée of the Senate into foreign-policy making.
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Since World War II and the continual involvement of the United States in international security and foreign aid, Congress as a whole has become a major foreign-policy maker because most modern foreign policies require financing, which requires action by both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
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Not only does the president need Congress to provide funding for foreign and military policy initiatives, but under the Constitution many presidential agreements with foreign nations also have to be approved by Congress.
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Executive agreement
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an agreement, made between the president and another country, that has the force of a treaty but does not require the Senate’s “advice and consent”
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A “supermajority” is usually difficult to achieve, presidents generally prefer a different type of agreement with other nations, called an executive agreement. It requires only a plurality vote (that is, 50 percent plus one) in both houses of Congress for approval.
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Another aspect of Congress’s role in foreign policy is the Senate’s power to confirm the president’s nominations of cabinet members, ambassadors, and other high-ranking officials (i.e. director of CIA but NOT director of NSC), and a final constitutional power of Congress is the regulation of “commerce with foreign nations.”
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Other congressional players are the foreign policy, military policy, and intelligence committees:
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in the Senate, these are the Foreign Relations Committee, the Armed Services Committee, and the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee; in the House, these are the Foreign Affairs and Homeland Security Committees and the Armed Services Committee.
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In 2007, though, with Congress under Democratic control and the president’s popularity fading, a number of congressional committees launched inquiries into the conduct of the war in Iraq and the more general operations of the intelligence and defense communities. Within weeks, congressional testimony revealed flaws in military procurement procedures, military planning, and other aspects of the administration’s programs and policies.
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Congressional investigations and the publicity they generate are weapons Congress frequently uses to blunt presidential power.
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The “foreign policy establishment” is a much larger arena, including what can properly be called the shapers of foreign policy:
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a host of unofficial, informal players who possess varying degrees of influence depending on their prestige, reputation, socioeconomic standing, and, most important, the party and ideology that are dominant at a given moment.
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By far the most important category of nonofficial player is the interest group. Different kinds of groups include:
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“single-issue” groups, larger interest groups, sometimes called peak associations, groups with strong attachments to and identification with their national origin countries, interests devoted to human rights, and environmental groups
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Most of these groups are “single-issue” groups and are therefore most active when their particular issue is on the agenda.
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Peak associations find it difficult to maintain tight enough control of their many members to speak with a single voice; leaders of these large economic interest groups spend more time maintaining consensus among their members than they do lobbying Congress or pressuring major players in the executive branch.
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The more successful economic interest groups, in terms of influencing foreign policy, are the narrower, single-issue groups such as the tobacco industry, which over the years has successfully kept American foreign policy from putting heavy restrictions on international trade in and advertising of tobacco products; and the computer hardware and software industries, which have successfully hardened the American attitude toward Chinese piracy of intellectual property rights.
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The interest group with the reputation for the greatest influence is Jewish Americans, whose family and emotional ties to Israel make them one of the most alert and active interest groups in the whole field of foreign policy.
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But there are limits, especially when national origin is coupled with or tied to countries in which a single religion is dominant. For example, Jews with strong ties to Israel and Catholics with connections to Ireland have on occasion been blocked from group influence on foreign policy because “dual loyalty” can be taken by other groups as “doubtful loyalty.”
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It is quite possible that the “electoral connection” and the politics of representation in Congress (and the White House) are at their most intense when national origin is linked to a foreign policy issue.
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Human Rights interest groups are genuinely concerned about the welfare and treatment of people throughout the world—particularly those who suffer under harsh political regimes.
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Amnesty International
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whose exposés of human rights abuses have altered the practices of many regimes around the world.
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The Christian right
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has been a vocal advocate for the human rights of Christians who are persecuted in other parts of the world for their religious beliefs, most notably in China.
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“Greens”
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ecological or environmental group; depend more on demonstrations
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A final actor in the realm of foreign policy is public opinion.
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However, public opinion does begin to count when the nation is at war. Americans are often impatient with military actions that seem long and drawn out, producing costs and casualties for reasons that no longer seem clear.
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Fear of public opinion is one reason that presidents have favored professional military forces and technologies like drones that would reduce the immediacy of war to America’s general public.
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First, when an important foreign policy decision has to be made under conditions of crisis, when time is of the essence, the influence of the presidency is at its strongest.
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Second, within these time constraints, access to the decision-making process is limited almost exclusively to the narrowest definition of the foreign policy establishment. As time becomes less restricted, even when the decision to be made is of great importance, the arena of participation expands to include more government players and more nonofficial, informal players—the most concerned interest groups and the most important journalists. In other words, the arena becomes more pluralistic and, therefore, less distinguishable from the politics of domestic-policy making.
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Third, because there are so many other countries with power and interests on any given issue, there are severe limits on the choices the United States can make.
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An instrument is neutral, capable of serving many goals.
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There have been many instruments of American foreign policy, and we can deal here only with those instruments we deem most important in the modern epoch:
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diplomacy, the United Nations, the international monetary structure, economic aid and sanctions, collective security, military force, and arbitration.
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Diplomacy
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the representation of a government to other governments; Its purpose is to promote national values or interests by peaceful means.
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The first effort to create a modern diplomatic service in the United States was made through the Rogers Act of 1924, which established the initial framework for a professional foreign service staff. But it took World War II and the Foreign Service Act of 1946 to forge the foreign service into a fully professional diplomatic corps.
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Diplomacy, by its very nature, is overshadowed by spectacular international events, dramatic initiatives, and meetings among heads of state or their direct personal representatives.
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So much personal responsibility has been heaped on the presidency that presidents are reluctant to entrust any of their authority or responsibility in foreign policy to professional diplomats in the State Department and other bureaucracies.
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Other instruments to be identified and assessed here are instruments that Americans self-consciously crafted for themselves to take care of their own chosen place in the world affairs of the second half of the twentieth century and beyond. The instruments therefore better reflect American culture and values than diplomacy does.
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The secretary of state is America’s chief diplomat.
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United Nations (UN)
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an organization of nations founded in 1945 to be a channel for negotiation and a means of settling international disputes peaceably; the UN has had frequent successes in providing a forum for negotiation and, on some occasions, a means of preventing international conflicts from spreading; on a number of occasions, the UN has been a convenient cover for U.S. foreign policy goals
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The UN’s supreme body is the UN General Assembly, comprising one representative of each of the 192 member states; each member representative has one vote, regardless of the size of the country.
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Important issues require a two-thirds-majority vote, and the annual session of the General Assembly runs only from September to December (although it can call extra sessions). It has little organization that can make it an effective decision-making body, with only six standing committees, few tight rules of procedure, and no political parties to provide priorities and discipline; few powers and no armed forces to implement its rules and resolutions.
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UN defenders are quick to add that although it lacks armed forces, it relies on the power of world opinion
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The powers of the UN devolve mainly to the organization’s “executive committee,” the UN Security Council, which alone has the real power to make decisions and rulings that member states are obligated by the UN Charter to implement. The Security Council may be called into session at any time, and each member (or a designated alternate) must be present at UN headquarters in New York at all times.
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The Security Council is composed of 15 members: 5 are permanent (the victors of World War II), and 10 are elected by the General Assembly for unrepeatable two-year terms. Each of the 15 members has only one vote, and a 9-vote majority of the 15 is required on all substantive matters. But each of the five permanent members also has a negative vote, a “veto,” and one veto is sufficient to reject any substantive proposal.
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The 5 permanent members of the Security Council are:
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China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
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The Department of Defense and the military are often responsible for implementing foreign policy that relates to security.
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The military has a far greater proportion of men to women than the general population, but in terms of race and ethnicity, the military is fairly similar to the United States as a whole. Residents of southern states are significantly more likely to enlist than those from other regions.
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Which of the following terms best describes the American posture toward the world prior to the middle of the twentieth century?
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isolationist
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Cold War refers to the
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the period of struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union between the late 1940s and the late 1980s.
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Which of the following terms describes the idea that the development and maintenance of military strength discourage attack?
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deterrence
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In trade policy since World War II, American presidents have generally supported
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freer trade.
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Bush Doctrine refers to
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the idea that the United States should take preemptive action against threats to its national security.
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The Constitution assigns the power to declare war to
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Congress.
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An agreement made between the president and another country that has the force of a treaty but requires only a majority vote (not a supermajority) in both houses of Congress for approval is called
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an executive agreement.
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The making of American foreign policy during noncrisis moments is
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pluralistic, involving a large mix of both official and unofficial players.
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Which of the following statements about the United Nations is not true?
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it has a powerful army to implement its decisions.
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Which of the following are important international economic institutions created in the 1940s?
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the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank
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Which of the following was dedicated specifically to the economic recovery of Western Europe after World War II?
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the Marshall Plan
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization was formed by the United States,
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Canada, and most of Western Europe.
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Which statement best describes the military spending of the United States compared to other countries?
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The United States spends significantly more than any other country in the world.
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Fear of a repeat of the economic devastation that followed World War I brought the United States together with its allies (except the USSR) to Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944 to create a new international economic structure for the postwar world. The result was two institutions:
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the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (commonly called the World Bank) and the International Monetary Fund.
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The World Bank was set up to finance long-term capital. Leading nations took on the obligation of contributing funds to enable the World Bank to make loans to capital-hungry countries; U.S. quota has been about one-third of the total.
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International Monetary Fund (IMF)
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an institution established in 1944 that provides loans and facilitates international monetary exchange
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After the war, the U.S. dollar replaced gold as the chief means by which the currencies of one country would be “changed into” currencies of another country for purposes of making international transactions.
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During the 1990s the importance of the IMF increased through its efforts to reform some of the largest debtor nations and formerly Communist countries, to bring them more fully into the global capitalist economy.
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The United States is the most influential member of the World Bank and it has provided hundreds of millions of dollars to help rebuild Afghanistan over the past decade.
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The IMF, with tens of billions of dollars contributed by its members, has more money to lend poor countries than does the United States, Europe, or Japan (the three leading IMF shareholders) individually.
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Two weeks after September 11, 2001, the IMF approved a $135 million loan to economically troubled Pakistan, a key player in the war against the Taliban government of Afghanistan because of its strategic location. Turkey, also because of its strategic location in the Middle East, was likewise put back in the IMF pipeline.
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Every year, the United States provides nearly $30 billion in economic assistance to other nations.
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The two largest recipients of American military assistance are Israel and Egypt, American allies that fought two wars against each other.
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Aid is an economic carrot. Sanctions are an economic stick.
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Economic sanctions that the United States employs against other nations include trade embargoes, bans on investment, and efforts to prevent the World Bank or other international institutions from extending credit to a nation against which the United States has a grievance
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Sanctions are most often employed when the United States seeks to weaken what it considers a hostile regime or when it is attempting to compel some particular action by another regime.
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The United States also uses economic sanctions to advance its international humanitarian policy goals. The United States currently has sanctions in place against Sudan, Zimbabwe, Belarus, and Myanmar, four countries with records of serious violations of civil and political rights.
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question

As the Iranian example shows, unilateral sanctions by the United States usually have little effect, since the target can usually trade elsewhere, sometimes even with foreign affiliates of U.S. firms. If, however, the United States is able to persuade its allies to cooperate, sanctions have a better chance of success.
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In 1947 most Americans hoped that the United States could meet its world obligations through the UN and economic structures alone. But most foreign-policy makers recognized that was a vain hope, even as they were permitting and encouraging Americans to believe it.
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Almost immediately after enactment of the Marshall Plan, designed to promote European economic recovery, the White House and a parade of State and Defense Department officials followed up with an urgent request to the Senate to ratify, and to both houses of Congress to finance, mutual defense alliances.
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The first collective security agreement was the Rio Treaty (ratified by the Senate in September 1947), which created the Organization of American States (OAS). This was the model treaty, anticipating all succeeding collective security treaties by providing that an armed attack against any of its members “shall be considered as an attack against all the American States,” including the United States.
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A more significant break with U.S. tradition against peacetime entanglements came with the North Atlantic Treaty (signed in April 1949), which created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
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North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
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an organization, comprising the United States, Canada, and most of Western Europe, formed in 1949 to counter the perceived threat from the Soviet Union
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The Australian, New Zealand, United States Security (ANZUS) Treaty, which tied Australia and New Zealand to the United States, was signed in September 1951.
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The Southeast Asia Treaty created the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO).
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The United States joined NATO in 1949 to help counter the threat of the Soviet Union.
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Bilateral treaties
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treaties made between two nations
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The United States has been a producer of security, whereas most of its allies have been consumers of security.
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question

In America, the biggest losers from free trade are __________________, whereas the biggest winners are ______________.
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workers in certain industries; consumers
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Which of the following two are committees in Congress related to foreign policy?
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Foreign Relations Committee Committee on Foreign Affairs
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Military force example
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The United States sends a carrier battle group to conduct flight operations during a crisis with Iran over access to the Strait of Hormuz.
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Economic aid example
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Australia gives Indonesia money to help the Indonesian government provide basic services to its citizens after a typhoon.
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Arbitration example
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Nigeria asks the International Court of Justice to resolve a long-standing dispute it has with a neighboring country.
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Collective security
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization specifies that an attack against one country is an attack against all member nations.
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During the Cold War, the United States had enough nuclear weapons to ensure that they could wipe out the Soviet Union even if the Soviet Union launched a first attack. In turn, the Soviet Union had enough nuclear weapons to ensure that they could wipe out the United States even if the United States launched a first attack. This is an example of which concept?
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mutually assured destruction
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In the history of American foreign policy, which came first: American isolationism or American engagement?
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isolationism
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The ______________, located in the ___________ branch, is responsible for synthesizing the messages coming out of the foreign policy establishment to help the president make his or her own foreign policy.
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National Security Council; executive
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Which of the following organizations or agreements are primarily related to free trade?
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General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade North American Free Trade Agreement World Trade Organization
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Which of the following are ways in which Congress can check the power of the president in foreign policy?
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fail to ratify a treaty, refuse to confirm a nominee for ambassador, investigate how the president conducts warfare, and provide no funding for a military operation
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Amnesty International, an association that exposes human rights violations and attempts to influence the United States to curb such abuses, is an example of what type of “nonofficial player” in foreign policy issues?
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interest group
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Which president’s doctrine said that the United States would use military force to eliminate potential threats before they could be put in motion?
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Bush
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Avoiding involvement in the affairs of other countries is an example of which policy?
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isolationism
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When a country is dealing with a rival nation, there are several options for how to approach the situation. One, called ______________, involves trying to halt the military and physical expansion of the rival nation. Another, called ___________, involves building up one’s military to try and discourage the rival nation from attacking.
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containment; deterrence
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International organization examples
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United Nations and World Trade Organization
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Non-state actor example
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terrorist
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Nation-state
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Canada
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On which of the following foreign policy priorities does America spend the smallest portion of its budget every year?
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humanitarian policies
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Which federal department is responsible for diplomacy?
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Department of State
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Which player is most dominant in establishing American foreign policy?
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The president
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According to the graphic, which is the most likely cause for the pattern of U.S. defense spending since 2000?
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The war against terrorism has caused an increase in defense spending
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Which of the following powers does the president have in foreign affairs?
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appoint ambassadors, negotiate treaties, and serve as commander in chief of the armed forces
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The president can declare war on an enemy nation.
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false
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If you were the president of a developing country and you wanted to get a low-interest loan to build some roads as a way of promoting trade, you might go to the ____________. A few years later, imagine you are facing a massive budget deficit and it looks like your nation might be insolvent. Before you get elected out of office, you might go to the __________________ for an emergency loan.
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World Bank; International Monetary Fund
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The World Trade Organization (WTO) is an example of which of the following groups?
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international organization
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Let us say that the nation of Atlantis was trying to develop the ability to manufacture nuclear weapons and the United States did not want them to do so. Order the following possible responses the United States could use, from the one that is likely to be tried first to the one that is likely to be used only as a last resort.
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diplomacy, sanctions, military force
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Suppose that the nations of Gondor and Rohan are having a disagreement over farming rights along their border. Gondor has one of its government officials talk with a government official of Rohan about how they might solve their dispute. This is an example of which of the following methods?
answer

diplomacy

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