Drug Essay Example

rather than all.

Medications typically associated with 'recreational' use include but are not limited to cannabis, amphetamines, and psychedelic substances like LSD and ecstasy. Heroin and cocaine, despite being excluded from this categorization, are rather considered as drugs primarily utilized for dependency or addiction needs (Blackman, 2004). This theory provides a 'conceptual framework to surveil any potential shifts in perspectives and behavior towards illegal drugs and drug users over a period of time' (Parker, 2005:206).

The idea of observing drug use through the lens of social norms and cultural practices was innovative and intriguing at its inception. Instead of zooming in on individual adolescents or outliers among youth culture, this concept put an emphasis on the societal aspect. The theory postulates that drug use has seamlessly melded into the lives of certain individuals (Blackman, 2004:138). Modern progression, including globalisation, have fostered the expansion of the 'Normalisation' thesis.

Parker (2005) declares that the use of illegal drugs, especially by typical young people, has become more significant in their changing lifestyles. These changes are directly related to the structural and global transformations in post-modern societies (Parker, 2005:206). Kids and even more teenagers are beginning to explore various experiences during their teenage years unlike past generations. Marketing and consumerism play a vital role in these changes, thus forging a distinct connection between youth cultures and drug cultures (South, 1999).

'Blackman (1996, cited in South, 1999:7) recognizes the existence of links among mainstream consumers via shared elements such as songs, music, videos, t-shirts, clothing, logos, jackets, badges and posters. Parker (1998), in an effort to comprehend the shifts that have contributed to the 'normalisation' concept, puts forth a seven-dimensional model to

examine and track changes in the attitudes and behaviours of young Britons towards 'recreational' drug uses over the past ten years (Parker, 2005).

Parker et al (2002) argue that the first parameter to consider is the availability and accessibility of drugs, as these are requisite conditions for the 'normalisation' process. Over recent years, the variety and accessibility of drugs have escalated. This greater supply on the streets has led to a drop in prices to unprecedented levels. Nonetheless, the purity of these substances remains unchanged, leading to an uptick in consumption. Currently, it's common for young people to acquire drugs through their social circles, acquaintances who are familiar with local small-scale dealers (Parker et al, 2002).

This implies that a substantial percentage of the young British population may have violated the Misuse of Drugs Act of 1971. However, this kind of drug dealing is both typical and challenging for law enforcement to identify, given its concealment within small user networks typically purchasing 'recreational' drugs for private use (Parker et al. 2002). Friend groups participating in these activities have reached a point of 'normalisation,' where they don't perceive their actions as illegal. Aside from this activity, most of these users tend to lead lives that are law-compliant, with drug use serving purely recreational purposes (Parker et al, 2002).

The subsequent aspect examines the escalation in drug experimentation, particularly during the 1990s, endorsing higher rates among young people in Britain over past years (Parker et al, 1998). The phenomenon of trying drugs is trending at younger ages, with British youth leading as the most active drug consumers across Europe (Parker et al, 2002). Alongside an inclination to experiment with drugs

earlier, there is a noticeable trend for prolonged drug usage extending beyond teen years (Parker, 2005). Case in point, it has been observed that the 'youth of the nineties have continued their adolescent drug habits into their twenties as there is a gradual increase in 'recreational' drug use within this age group' (Parker, 2005:207).

The easing of restrictions and taboos around drug usage has been bolstered by the diminishing disparities across classes and genders. Conventional gender norms used to indicate that young males were more daring and open to drug experimentation compared to females. However, present data reveals that the gap between drug use among both genders isn't significant anymore (Parker et al, 1998). In the past, women were presumed to be less inclined towards drug usage since they were expected to undertake domestic chores, childcare, and family duties.

The traditional notion has significantly evolved and it is now suggested that women consume as many drugs as men do (Henderson, 1999). This shift is thought to have been catalyzed by the emergence of rave culture or what Parker (2001) coined as the 'decade of dance' (Parker, 2001:8). This culture fostered a sense of safety and equality for women, making them feel as consequential as their male counterparts (Henderson, 1999). Additionally, studies pertaining to social classes have indicated that currently, it is predominantly the middle-class children of professional and managerial parents who are experimenting the most with drugs.

The assertion put forward states that if narcotics consumption corresponds to dysfunction and aberrant actions, then it seems paradoxical for individuals belonging to the middle class, pursuing sophisticated education, to consume drugs yet flourish in their professional pursuits... (Parker et al,

1998). Another facet of the 'normalisation' hypothesis pinpointed by Parker and his team concerns frequent and current drug use. There is evidence to suggest that the rate of substance abuse escalates during a five-year timeline from fifteen to twenty years of age. It has been observed that approximately '10–15 percent of late teenagers are consistent, regular users of recreational drugs' (Parker et al, 2002:947), with the ratio expanding within young adult demographics.

Cannabis seems to be the favored drug, but there's also a trend of polysubstance use among individuals aged 18-25 who consume stimulants for leisure during weekends, according to Parker et al (2002). An issue raised by Parker et al (2002) is that 'clubbers' pose a challenge to the 'normalisation' discussion, as they are viewed as being at the extreme end of recreational drug consumption. It's noted that within the clubbing scene, such behaviors are generally accepted and common. Yet, it's unclear if these behaviors would receive the same level of acceptance outside of the clubbing environment.

The drug use habits and hazardous actions in dance/rave culture run contrary to the concept of 'normalisation', which promotes responsible and balanced recreational drug usage (Parker et al, 2002). Such issues have positioned this culture at the heart of the normalisation thesis, marking it as a key focal point. The subsequent factor to scrutinize is 'drug wisdom', also known as 'the social adoption of judicious recreational drug use' (Parker et al, 2002:207).

The 'normalisation' impact can be assessed in this context by the acceptance of narcotics use by people who Parker et al (2002) categorise as abstainers and former users. Abstainers willingly decide not to consume illegal drugs. Nonetheless,

they sometimes find it difficult to avoid drugs and drug users in their day-to-day life, be it at their workplace, school or during night out. By encountering this formerly unfamiliar world directly, abstainers gain the ability to differentiate between the use of 'hard' drugs like heroin and the recreational use of drugs such as cannabis.

Those who abstain generally exhibit a level of tolerance towards recreational drug users, recognising their right to make such decisions. This mirrors the ongoing trend towards the 'normalisation' of drug use (Parker et al, 1998). Research has shown that a substantial number of abstainers maintain friendships within circles where recreational drug use is habitual, demonstrating respect for their choices (Pirie & Worcester, 1999 as cited in Parker et al, 2005). However, Parker and colleagues (2005) do not argue that there aren't abstainers who firmly oppose drugs and drug use or do not associate with anyone involved in such actions.

Parker et al (1998) simply highlight the growing open-mindedness and rationality in the judgments of many of today's youth due largely to an increased awareness around drugs. Another significant factor identified by Parker et al is the concept of Future intentions. They argue that while previous generations viewed occasional drug experimentation during adolescence as a form of 'rule testing and rebellion', this is changing. It's becoming increasingly evident that experimental drug use extends past adolescence and into adulthood.

The mindset towards potential drug usage and the willingness to experiment or re-experiment with drugs has expanded. This change of perspective is observed not only in previous users but even amongst individuals who refrained from drug usage during their teenage years (Parker, 1998). The following aspect

discusses the cultural adaptation of illicit substances and scrutinizes how a growing societal approval of drug usage is evident. The media has made a significant contribution in illustrating how society has gradually started to tolerate recreational drug use as something ‘livable with’ (Parker, 2002:949).

Media's favorable depiction of illegal drug use in popular TV dramas and soap operas has enlightened the public about a previously obscure subculture (Parker et al, 2002). The media has also frequently advocated for the decriminalization of certain drugs, like cannabis, and proposed stricter monitoring of more dangerous drugs like heroin and cocaine. It's also essential to examine globalisation and its impact on recreational drug use.

Globalization appears to have increased the availability of 'psycho-active substances' (Parker, 2005:208) due to enhanced drug trafficking and marketing, leading to a rise in recreational usage and demand in specific societies (Parker, 2005). The completion of Parker et al's 'normalisation' theory hinges on the dimension of risk-taking as a life skill. This aspect examines Beck's (1992) theory of residing in a risk society.

According to Parker et al (1998), believing that living life without taking any risks is more hazardous than taking the chance. With the gradual shift in societal norms, the phase of transformation from teenage to adulthood is getting extended. Increased inclination towards higher studies or vocational training among adolescents means a prolonged dependency on parents. This leads to the delay in traditional life events like marriage and having children (Parker et al, 1998). The authors, in their discussion on the 'normalisation' thesis, point out that risk management has become an integral part of our daily lives. We don't necessarily view the day-to-day risks as dangerous

or harmful but rather as choices that we hope turn out to be correct (Parker, 1998).

They argue that experimenting with drugs is just one more hazard certain individuals encounter during their adolescence, and they themselves have to weigh the benefits and drawbacks before deciding. Yet, Parker and others (1998) highlight that this doesn't necessarily make it right or safe; they merely opine that it is framed as a problem or a moral crisis by adults who fail to comprehend how modern societal upbringing differs from their own adolescent experiences.

Despite the legal implications, the illegality factor doesn't seem to largely impact the decision to use drugs (Parker et al, 1998). While Parker et al's 'normalisation' theory has been an important evolution in grasping and battling recreational drug use, it has faced its share of criticism. Shiner and Newburn (1998) dismiss the 'normalisation' theory and argue that, despite the growing acceptance of illicit substance use among teenagers today, the 'normalisation' theory tends to overstate and inflate real levels of involvement.

Shiner and Newburn (1998:156) argue that 'in the UK, the use of drugs, especially current usage, is a minority activity'. They suggest that participation in the 'rave' scene's drug culture is limited to a relatively small number of young individuals. The authors also question Parker et al.'s focus on postmodernism, citing their explanation of 'normalization' as a process characterized by 'the breaking down of moral authority, the rise of globalisation, a focus on consumption over production, and restructuring of class and gender relations' (Shiner and Newburn, 1998:141).

They contend this perspective, asserting that postmodernity is a disputed idea and questioning its validity as a foundational theory (Shiner and Newburn,

1998). They also dispute Parker et al's 'normalisation' theorem, suggesting it overemphasizes lifetime users, leading to an oversimplified view of adolescent illicit drug use that inadequately represents the reality (Barton, 2003). They propose employing shorter timeframes to present a more realistic and 'conservative picture' about youth drug abuse (Barton, 2003:120).

The discussion revolves around a term known as 'desistance,' directing focus to some statistics that reveal: A substantial percentage of youth who have previously experimented with illegal substances are not presently or frequently using. There might have been a period in their lives when they engaged in occasional or consistent drug use, but they might have intentionally transitioned to a state of abstention (Shiner and Newburn, 1998:151).

Shiner and Newburn underscore that irrespective of the perception of higher drug use prevalence among the youth compared to older people, the quantity of drug users never surpasses the number of non-users at any given time (Shiner and Newburn, 1998). They further argue that a substantial number of young individuals continue to believe that the consumption of illegal drugs is immoral (Barton, 2003). In a research conducted by them, they discovered that 'despite 16-19 being the age group with the highest drug use density, 54 per cent confessed to never having indulged in illegal drug use at any stage in their lives' (Shiner and Newburn, 1998:144).

Parker et al (2005) assert that it is not necessary for the majority of individuals in a society to engage in illegal substance use for the 'normalisation process' to occur (Parker et al, 2005:207). Their point is merely to demonstrate the growing tolerance of illicit drug use in society. On the other hand, Blackman

(2004) expresses his dissent towards the 'normalisation' concept, hypothesizing that it puts an excessive emphasis on modern society while neglecting historical perspective. Blackman (2004) further claims that there is evidence suggesting previous societies have always utilised and experimented with drugs as a part of their cultural norms, underscoring both the historical persistence and vital importance drugs hold in human societies (Blackman, 2004).

Nonetheless, he further states that given how 'drug usage has occurred regularly in both everyday and ceremonial lives' (Blackman, 2004:127), it is presently viewed as a standard practice among individuals in society (Blackman, 2005). Conclusively, upon assessing the idea of the 'normalisation' of casual drug use and its significance in today's society, it is justifiable to assert that many consider it a vague concept that lacks specificity and fails to differentiate who uses drugs, when, and why.

Regardless, it has offered a beneficial structure that aids our comprehension and application of the idea in today's world. I surmise that the current generation is becoming increasingly tolerant of drugs and their role in our society, influenced by consumerism, globalisation, and media. The 2000 British Crime Survey indicated that individuals who have not experimented with drugs are now less common (Barton, 2003), indicating an uptick in adolescents' willingness to sample drugs.

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