G. Carter Bentley's theory on practice is a widely accepted approach to understanding the construction of ethnicity and maintenance of ethnic identity. In this context, we move away from boundaries and focus on individuals' patterns of experiences, which can be both objective and subjective. Bentley makes use of Bordieu's concepts of "habitus" and "practice". Bordieu argues that the objective conditions, influenced by systems of symbolic representations, give rise to different individuals having inclinations to act in different ways (Bentley 1987: 28). Habitus consists of "a set of generative schemes that produce practices and representations that are regular without reference to overt rules and that are goal directed without requiring conscious selection of goals or mastery of methods achieving them." (as quoted in Bentley, Ibid.,). Consequently, habits become a mechanical way of being, acting, and thinking, developed thr
...ough 1) social practices, 2) shared experiences, 3) experimentation, and 4) understanding of those relationships or differences at both the conscious and unconscious levels. There is constant interaction between these levels on both collective and individual scales.
Practice, as a concept rooted in Marxism, focuses on power relations and is closely tied to ethnic identity. Understanding people's experiences requires examining different domains of experience and social practice. By analyzing these domains, we can grasp how they shape individuals' perception of the world and their position in society as group members. The interactions between these domains are crucial to consider. Additionally, it is essential to study the discourses of the state, such as laws and policies, as well as how they align with the discourses of ethnic group leaders. Both levels of analysis contribute to comprehending ethnicity as an ideology an
the inseparability of ethnic identity from experience and social practice.
In Bentley's work, the connection between patterns of practice and feelings of ethnic affinity is exemplified through the story of a Marano woman named Soraya. She grapples with a conflicting sense of ethnicity, feeling limited within the categorical identities imposed by the social context of the Philippines. Soraya's experience highlights the significance of the theory of practice in understanding ethnic identity.According to Bentley (1987: 33), the sense of ethnic affinity arises from shared life experiences and the resulting preconscious habitus. This habitus creates a feeling of familiarity among members of an ethnic group. Bentley further explains that this shared habitus encompasses common memories that have become unconscious and manifests through a similar rhythm of living (1987: 33).
The concept of practice theory uncovers a seeming contradiction where emotional dependence coexists with the manipulation of ethnic identity in a given situation. This contradiction arises from the absence of a precise correlation between the social context and the perception of difference (Bentley 1987: 35). For instance, as ethnic identity is formed through situational elements of multidimensional habitus, an individual may possess multiple emotionally genuine identities that are relevant to different situations and represent them in terms of descent (Bentley 1987: 35). However, while shared ancestry is symbolically constructed, the conceptions of ethnic identity are not arbitrarily chosen. "Ethnic identities are internally grounded in personal experience and externally structured by cognitive distinctions used to organize that experience" (Bentley 1987: 36). Soraya's narrative validates this stance as she shares various aspects of her life with different groups of people. Despite choosing to reside among the Muranao and cultivating close relationships with
certain family members, she still feels estranged from the very community she opted to live in.
The case of Soraya illustrates how the theory of practice can clarify the successful concentration of ethnic identity, its multi-dimensional nature, sensitivity to context, and symbolic formulation (which both the instrumentalist and primordialist models have been unable to do). The theory elucidates "…the objective basis for perceptions and sentiments towards ethnic affinity and difference, and also explains the distinct but inconsistent relationship between social structure and ethnic consciousness" (Bentley 1987: 40). Thus, it is imperative to direct attention towards the objective context and subjective consciousness of identity.
According to Bentley (1987: 40), ethnic identity and ethnicity in the modern world have become crucial for collective action. Bentley argues that these forms of identity cannot be explained solely by shared sentiment, but rather are the result of complex social formations. Ethnic groups are seen as demarcating fields of "symbolic domination," which depend on the unconscious work of Habitus. These regimes of symbolic domination, however, do not exist in isolation. They must constantly adapt to the changing requirements of production and reproduction (Bentley 1987: 43). If there is a breakdown in these regimes, such as through leadership changes, it will lead to a crisis in ethnic identity. Symbolic domination requires a sufficient integration of preconscious assumptions about the world to maintain functional complementarity between leaders and followers (Bentley 1987: 44). If this complementarity breaks down due to political or economic changes, new regimes will persist (Bentley 1987: 45).In America's black community, there have been instances of identity breaks that are frequently mentioned. These breaks occur when political mobilization takes place and the imposed
identity of "black" is transformed into a positive expression of collective identity. According to Bentley, the shift in labels from black to Afro-American not only signifies the emergence of a new political movement but also serves as a foundation for black ethnicity. This shift has the potential of establishing a lasting sense of shared identity, experience, and purpose for the community (Bentley 1987: 45).
To accurately understand the process of ethnic group formation and mobilization, it is important to consider two factors. Firstly, it is necessary to identify the shared experiences and characteristics that enable ethnic leaders to mobilize their followers. Secondly, it is crucial to analyze how ethnic appeals relate to ideas of personal and group identity, in order to better understand their effectiveness (Bentley 1987: 47).
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