PNOy Inaugural address Essay Example

intentions alone may not be enough. Aquino's first year in office had a mixed outcome. His new leadership style brings hope of resolving long-standing issues but some believe that progress so far falls short given the challenges faced by the nation. Investigative journalist Marites Vitug summarized it well in a recent column directly addressing Aquino: "Overall, Mr. President, you have changed the tone of leadership."

However, this should only mark the beginning. The campaign slogan that led to Noynoy Aquino's resounding victory last year was "Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap" (If no one is corrupt, no one will be poor). Compelling slogans breed high expectations. It would not have been surprising if the president had tried to manage those expectations after winning the election. On the contrary, on Inauguration Day, he declared a new era in Philippine politics: "No more going back on promises made during the campaign... No more favoritism, no more patronage politics, no more embezzlement... no more bribes."

It is time for us to collaborate once again. The speech was most memorable for its condemnation of wangwang, which refers to the loud escorts used by those who enjoy flaunting their status and power over others. Although symbolic, the commitment to end disruptive presidential motorcades deeply resonated with a population longing for change. Like how the mother declared an end to the oppressive Marcos regime in 1986, the son declared in 2010 an end to a regime that ignored people's pleas. To fulfill campaign promises, the new president formed a cabinet composed of capable individuals dedicated to reform. While some are well-known figures in business and law, others come from movements advocating social change and

innovative political approaches.

The former head of a prominent accounting firm, Cesar Purisima, leads the economic management and is responsible for rectifying the long-standing corrupt practices in the internal revenue and customs agencies. Dinky Soliman, with her background in reformist civil society groups, leads the anti-poverty effort. Both Purisima and Soliman were part of the early Arroyo administration but resigned in protest following an electoral scandal in 2005. Their roles are supported significantly by Florencio Abad, a skilled ex-congressman who was previously the agrarian reform secretary during the first Aquino administration. Abad is a prominent figure in Aquino's Liberal Party. The first Aquino administration, which was in power from 1986 to 1992, is remembered for its contradictory mixture of integrity and corruption.

Mrs Aquino was known for her integrity and being above corruption, but beneath her there were many insiders known for their wheeling and dealing and scheming. Her brother, Jose "Peping" Cojuangco, was particularly notorious for making deals with various local leaders who didn't necessarily share the same democratic ideals that put Mrs Aquino in power. Noynoy, on the other hand, seems to have learned from his mother's mistakes and there isn't much evidence of his sisters playing a too influential role in his administration, even though Kris, the youngest one, is a famous movie star who often grabs headlines. However, Noynoy's Palace has its own set of problems. There are at least two centers of power within the administration, and the media speculates on which one dominates in different areas of political conflict.

President Aquino lacks a strong drive to reconcile the feuding groups, and if such a desire does exist, his attempts at being a

peacemaker have been noticeably ineffective. These divisions trace back to the 2010 presidential campaign, wherein many supporters of Noynoy Aquino displayed less enthusiasm for his vice-presidential candidate, Manuel "Mar" Roxas II. Both were members of the Liberal Party, with a deep family tradition within the party that dates back to the early postwar years. Manuel Roxas, the grandfather of Roxas, served as the Philippines' first president after independence from 1946 to 1948.

Gery Roxas, the father of Mar Roxas, was involved with Ninoy Aquino before martial law was declared in 1972. Mar Roxas himself was a candidate for the presidency but decided to support Noynoy after the death of Mrs. Aquino in 2009. He acknowledged the overwhelming support for Noynoy as a party mate and senatorial colleague who was seen as the rightful successor to the Aquino leadership. Mar Roxas then focused on running for the vice-presidential position instead.
The Philippine electoral system allows voters to choose separate preferences for president and vice-president, so support for Aquino did not necessarily translate into support for Roxas. Philippine politics is known for its high degree of ticket-splitting and lack of coherent policy programs from political parties. Mar Roxas was considered the frontrunner for the vice-presidency prior to the May 2010 elections, with an even greater lead over his rivals than Noynoy.

As the 2010 election approached, Roxas' lead in the polls declined due to opposition from two politicians who were vying for the presidency in 2016. This anticipation of future competition had an impact on the electoral dynamics. One of these politicians was Jejomar Binay, who had previously been an ally of Corazon Aquino and served as

mayor of the country's main financial center for a considerable period. Binay ran as vice-presidential candidate alongside Joseph Estrada, Roxas' primary rival for the presidency. Estrada, a former movie star and previous president who faced impeachment in 2001 and was later found guilty of plunder, received a pardon from Arroyo after serving part of his sentence.

In the 2010 elections, Estrada and Binay formed a partnership for their own convenience. However, their relationship quickly deteriorated. Estrada's main goal was to regain respectability for himself and his family politically. He finished the race with 26% of the vote, second only to Noynoy's 42%. On the other hand, Binay had the same goal as Roxas - to become vice-president and eventually president in 2016. Due to Binay's close ties with Corazon Aquino, many of Noynoy's supporters were inclined to support him. Binay's supporters actively encouraged split-ticket support under the name "Noy-Bi". Ultimately, Binay narrowly defeated Roxas but their rivalry remains strong till this day.

At the end of June 2011, Roxas will leave his current role as Palace adviser and assume the position of secretary of transportation and communications which is potentially high-profile.

Binay currently heads the Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council. According to a June 2011 Pulse Asia poll, his public approval ratings were higher than the president's at 83 percent compared to 71 percent. The divide from the previous year's campaign still exists as a significant rift within Aquino's administration. However, understanding Palace factionalism in only a binary manner would be an oversimplification. Political divisions in the Philippines are constantly changing, bringing together former adversaries while separating former allies, disregarding any coherent positions on policies or

programs. Philippine politics is known for its personalistic nature, with critics accusing the current president of appointing individuals based on personal connections rather than merit. Critics argue that various appointments in both the Palace and major agencies are influenced by friendships (kaibigan), classmates (kaklase), or shooting buddies (kabarilan), reflecting Noynoy's well-known affinity for firearms.

The undersecretary of the interior responsible for overseeing the national police force is rumored to be a kabarilan who owns a chain of gun shops. Recent controversial actions by another kabarilan, the head of the Land Transportation Office, have been in the news. Overall, the administration of Noynoy Aquino is difficult to categorize easily. On one hand, there are many competent cabinet members dedicated to implementing important reform measures in their respective departments. On the other hand, within the Palace, there is a significant division between camps that have a strong mutual disdain stemming from the 2010 campaign. This division intersects with numerous other political rivalries that constantly change within a complex network of personal connections that often reach all the way up to the president himself.

Despite the contrasting dynamics described, it appears that presidential oversight is not very thorough or consistent; regardless of their performance, cabinet secretaries seem to independently run their operations. The relationship between the Palace and the House of Representatives is relatively more straightforward. Despite having a small minority of seats right after the elections, the Liberal Party and its allies promptly formed a coalition majority using the traditional Philippine practice of "turncoatism." A seasoned politician who had recently changed parties was selected as Speaker, with the understanding that he would help in securing a coalition majority for

the Liberals.

Many members of congress have switched parties in order to be closer to the administration and gain access to its patronage resources. As a result, the Liberal Party has grown significantly, although it now includes many new members who joined for convenience rather than shared programs and policies. Instead, these members are united by their desire for pork and patronage. The Senate, with its twenty-four members elected by a nationwide constituency, poses a greater challenge in forming a majority due to individual stature and the more costly and time-consuming process it entails.

Despite initial unsuccessful attempts to reduce corruption in important departments, especially in revenue, the administration has successfully developed effective arrangements with considerable speed. However, recent revelations of significant corruption scandals in the military indicate that the problem may be expanding rather than decreasing. To evaluate the progress made by the administration in combating corruption and poverty, it is necessary to consider its accomplishments in these two areas. It should be noted that this evaluation does not address whether fighting corruption is the most effective means of reducing poverty.

Predictably, given these circumstances, the current administration's primary focus on anti-corruption efforts has been on exposing what it claims as highly corrupt behavior by the previous administration.

The resignation of the ombudsman appointed by Arroyo in May delighted Aquino supporters because it was seen as a significant move towards holding officials from the Arroyo administration accountable. This resignation followed a strong vote for impeachment in the House and the possibility of an impeachment trial in the Senate. However, critics argue that influential individuals from the previous administration still lack corruption cases being brought against them. It is

worth noting that former president Arroyo remains a member of the House of Representatives and can count on support from the Supreme Court, which she had a major role in appointing.

If the Arroyos and their associates are not charged, criticism will grow stronger. However, it is difficult to prosecute the previous administration due to their ongoing influence and evidence from historical patterns. Even after a quarter-century since Marcos's corrupt regime fell, his family and top allies continue to thrive despite being free (Imelda serving in the House, their son in the Senate, and a daughter as governor of Marcos's home province). Poverty remains one of the most pressing challenges in the Philippines with rapid population growth and struggling anti-poverty measures. There is no consensus on land reform or broader asset reform issues, especially considering that the president's family owns a large sugar estate in central Luzon. Nevertheless, the administration has committed to increasing revenue and allocating more government spending towards education and health services for those living in poverty.

Expanding the conditional cash transfer program is one of the main focuses. This program involves providing cash grants to extremely poor families in exchange for meeting specific conditions, such as keeping their children in school. The administration also supports a Reproductive Health Bill that aims to improve access to artificial birth control methods for those living in poverty.

However, passing the bill faces challenges due to strong opposition from the Catholic Church, as indicated by opinion polls. Additionally, there is a lack of job opportunities, leading around ten million Filipinos to seek employment abroad. As a result, the economy heavily relies on overseas remittances totaling approximately $18 billion

annually.

In addition, public education has experienced significant decline in quality over recent decades.

Insufficient police training was revealed during the August 2010 Hong Kong hostage-taking incident. Moreover, the nation is confronted with considerable dangers arising from climate change and extensive environmental deterioration, intensifying its susceptibility to natural calamities. The secessionist conflict in Mindanao has endured for forty years without resolution via the permanent peace process. Additionally, there persists a long-standing communist insurgency fueled by deep-rooted socioeconomic disparities.

The central government's control over the national territory is ineffective, especially in areas where local bosses maintain their own private armies. The Ampatuan family of Maguindanao, who are currently on trial for the brutal massacre of fifty-seven people in late 2009, is a well-known example of this. Additionally, the Philippines is facing increasing security challenges in a volatile regional environment. Tensions are rising in the South China Sea due to multiple countries having overlapping territorial claims. In response, the Philippines is participating in joint naval exercises with the United States, using two World War II-era vessels. When Noynoy Aquino became president, he promised a new style of leadership, which included leadership change and institutional reform.

He stated that the initial step is to have leaders who possess ethics, honesty, and a commitment to serving the public. He promised to lead by example and hold others in government to the same high standards. While some officials are of high caliber and there is a positive shift in intentions, these changes are overshadowed by the ongoing challenges faced by the country. At its core, there appears to be a lack of clear strategic direction to guide the entire administration, despite individual

cabinet secretaries effectively pursuing specific goals in their areas of responsibility. The administration's deep divisions are further complicated by personal connections that are sometimes directly linked to the president. Ultimately, as acknowledged by the president himself, a change in leadership style is just the beginning.

"An essential element of longer-term success in the Philippines will be to reform the country's beleaguered political institutions. Although the president emphasized the need for a new type of leader in his inaugural address, he did not provide a clear vision for institutional change. This undertaking will be challenging and time-consuming due to the historical weakness of inherited institutions from the American colonial regime and the personalized nature of the polity. However, it is crucial to meet the challenges ahead. The president must establish an effective bureaucracy, as recognized by his predecessor Fidel Ramos during his presidency in the 1990s when he openly acknowledged that the bureaucracy is the weak link in Philippine development."

The president requires a strong, organized, and well-established party in order to maintain his ambitious goals in the future. Previous presidents have not given much attention to the creation of such parties in the Palace. As we look ahead, we can expect increasing governance challenges. While there are numerous reasons for this, emphasizing population growth is enough to highlight the issue. When Noynoy and his family were in exile in Boston thirty years ago, the population of the Philippines was forty-eight million.

It is estimated that the country's population is currently 95 million and it is projected to reach 140 million by 2040. As the country grows and its issues become more complicated, relying solely

on leadership is not enough. To achieve success and ensure continuity beyond the current administration, a fresh and more transparent style of leadership should be accompanied by dedicated efforts to reform the nation's main institutions.