France following Louis XIV’s Edict of Nantes.

national involvement, with troops only sent outside its region once. Montauban held even greater importance in the Midi area. To comprehend its politics, one must have knowledge of the town's major political entities. These consist of The Consulate, governing the town; The Seneschal Court, acting as royal representation; and The Consistory, comprising council members of elders and deacons of the Calvinist congregation of Montauban. While an ecclesiastical body, The Consistory had considerable political sway in the city, as emphasized by the author.

Despite being mentioned previously, the documentation survival rate of these organizations is exceptionally low. Specifically, the town council's records are predominantly absent leading up to 1581, which is a tremendous loss considering the significance of the three decades preceding it. During this condensed timeframe, there was a surge of Calvinist excitement saturating the region.

Due to the absence of records, it is challenging to determine the initial response of the town during turbulent times. Additionally, it would have been helpful in illustrating how the town quickly transformed itself into a stronghold of devout Calvinism. The consistory records, which could have been influential, only date back to 1595-1598. The Seneschal Court archives do not exist. When the Edict of Fontainebleau was issued in 1685, revoking the Edict of Nantes, many Huguenots left the country, including those residing in Montauban who likely took archives with them. Furthermore, the author suggests that during the French Revolution, several archives were likely destroyed.

Despite the importance of the interaction between political bodies, the author used unconventional methods to recreate the framework of political actions. He utilized notarial records, which include seemingly unimportant information like marriage alliances, loans, rental agreements, commercial transactions,

purchases of land and real estate, and testamentary evidence recorded by the town's notaries. Through this approach, he was able to reconstruct the web of political power and understand how society evolved as a result. Through identifying 11 families - Alies, Bardon, Bonencontre, Brassac, Brassard, Colom, Constans, Natalis, Pechels, Scorbiac and Vicose - he found that godfatherhood was an important means of forging links between families and their interests.

Originally, merchants, teachers, and notaries made up the relatively humble beginnings of these individuals. However, their political alliance and shared belief in the reformation propelled them to the forefront of the city's leadership and served as the foundation of their political power for the following decade. Additionally, by analyzing notarial documents regarding godparenting, the researcher recognized a significant shift in naming conventions for newborns during the 1550s and 1560s. Instead of being named after Catholic saints, names like Abraham, Daniel, David, Isaac, Samuel, Judith, Rachel, and Suzanne that were heavily inspired by the Old Testament became increasingly popular.

However, the popularity of names inspired by the Old Testament declined in favor of traditional Catholic favorites such as Antoine, Bernard, Francois, Jacques, Marguerite, and Catherine. This change cannot be attributed to a decrease in Calvinist worship (as evidence suggests otherwise), but rather a practical understanding. Following the St. Bartholomew massacres, the blind hope that France would peacefully become a Calvinist nation was shattered, and expressing one's religious identity was no longer socially acceptable. Consequently, the number of "Nicodemites" (those who secretly practiced Calvinism) likely increased after the massacre. The Huguenots, who saw themselves as akin to the Israelites, are the reason these Old Testament names were once popular.

Despite

experiencing difficult times, they believed they were God's select group and viewed it as fulfilling a prophecy. His diligent investigation enabled him to discover the names of various officials including both Consuls, ministers, and members of the consistory. Consequently, he noted a significant number of individuals holding positions in multiple bodies.

In Montauban, there was a distinct pattern of influential families holding both political and ecclesiastic positions. However, the cooperation between these two bodies was noteworthy and unique compared to other places. For instance, in Holland, a constant power struggle existed between church officials and political leaders. This was due to people becoming less inclined to follow strict morals dictated by the consistories once the threat of Spanish invasion had subsided. In contrast, the danger in Montauban was often present and endemic.

The citizens of Montauban were constantly in danger due to the nearby Catholic stronghold of Toulouse, which had previously laid siege to the city three times during the First War. This sense of peril, combined with the fact that other significant Huguenot cities were at least a week's journey away, led Montauban residents to strongly hold onto their religious beliefs. This stands in contrast to developments in the Netherlands.

In Montauban, the community was highly religious and fervent in their beliefs, with strict prohibitions on dancing and gambling. Though attempts to disobey these rules occurred, such as when consul Jean De Scorbiac was chastised by the consistory for hosting a masked ball, enforcement of the regulations was unwavering and stringent unlike in Holland where the church officials were unsuccessful in their efforts to ban such activities.

During his visit to Montauban in 1584, Philippe du

Plessis-Mornay, a prominent leader in the Huguenot movement, was alarmed by the excommunication of his wife, Arbaleste. Despite her humility and positive reception in several Protestant cities, Minister Michel Berauld deemed her hairstyle as "vain," much to the dismay of the couple and their fellow Huguenots.

Montauban was distinctive among other Calvinist centers. The author's reconstruction of the various ministers' identities reveals a significant number of locally-born individuals. Specifically, over 80% of the city's ministers originated from Montauban or its surrounding villages. This proportion exceeded that of other Huguenot centers, and was likely influenced by the town's location.

Yesterday, as we saw, Geneva dispatched its ministers - albeit infrequently - to Montauban. Geneva prioritized supporting the fledgling and vulnerable communities in Northern France, while deeming the Southern French towns less urgent due to their comparative safety. The major military conflicts took place in the North, where the St Bartholomew day massacre had its greatest impact. Being located in the South of France also posed accessibility challenges, particularly in comparison to cities like Nimes in the Southwest that were easier to reach from Geneva. Alternatively, cities like La Rochelle along the Western seaboard were easily accessible by sea, bypassing the risky journey through the entirety of Southern France.

The regional dialect, along with the oratory skills required for preaching, made it challenging for foreign ministers to communicate with their congregants in Montauban. This resulted in a high percentage of locally bred ministers. The significance of this issue is emphasized by the fact that the author dedicated an entire chapter to it.

According to the source Conner consulted for this book, Montauban would be like the 'mother-church' for its

region, similar to Geneva's role in Europe. Being the largest Huguenot town in a wide area and much bigger than the surrounding villages, it would have both ecclesiastical and political control over them. Conner also found valuable information in private correspondences, including those from family archives of prominent individuals during that time. The correspondences between Henry Navarre and consul Guichard Scorbiac proved particularly helpful in navigating Montauban's complex political landscape.

The author's research disproved the widely accepted thesis of a 'United Provinces of Midi', which claimed that the Huguenot cities in the French South formed their own autonomous state after the St Bartholomew day massacre. The author found that many local towns preferred their provincialism and local independence over the idea of a Huguenot state-within-state. The concept of a 'United Provinces' as a comparison to the Dutch rebellious provinces lacks solid grounds and is considered a historiographical fabrication. According to the author, there was no real sense of unity or common conscience among the different towns, and their own self-interest remained their main concern, unlike the Dutch case. The volatile circumstances of the French religious wars and the lack of archival-based local studies should prompt historians to question the validity of some assumptions regarding this issue.

According to the author, the Edict of Boulogne of 1573 received acceptance from the elite of Montauban, which reflected the author's point of view. Although the edict was not acceptable for the Huguenot cause in general, it held favourable terms for Montauban. In contrast to resolutely refusing these terms, the Montalbanais preached peace and dialogue, attempting to appease their infuriated and war-set fellow Huguenots in other towns. The author believes that

an outdated historiographical theory based on the dichotomy between Protestantism – decentralisation – freedom and Catholicism – centralisation – tyranny is another cause of this aberration. In personal opinion, the author found this book enjoyable for the wrong reasons.

Despite sparking my interest in the wider region of Montauban and its surroundings, I question whether the author had intended to do so. The book's division into chapters on subjects that influenced Montauban and vice versa struck me as somewhat erratic. In my opinion, a more chronological approach would have enhanced the overall narrative. Furthermore, while reading, I was disappointed by the lack of information on the Catholic minority (or lack thereof) in Montauban, which strikes me as an important aspect to explore. Lastly, I did not feel entirely convinced of the presented importance of the city conveyed by the author.

While Montauban held sway over its local environs and a 50 kilometer radius, its impact on the national stage was restricted to furnishing troops for a neighboring Huguenot army. Although it possessed a distinct character that both shaped and was shaped by the surrounding region, its concrete influence was marginal, rendering it an insular municipality. The author delivers a fairly neutral assessment of the happenings in and around Montauban, although their depiction could be mildly hyperbolic; this conclusion is drawn from a cursory secondary perusal of the text.

At the start of the book, he incorporated the Latin expression "Ut Unum Sint", which signifies "That they may be one." The phrase is also the heading of a papal letter authored by Pope John Paul II in 1995. This epistle forms part of the Catholic Church's endeavor to reconcile

with other Christian denominations and reestablish a solitary, all-encompassing Christian Church.

The author of this encyclical, who is likely a Christian from either the Catholic or Protestant denomination, promotes dialogue and eventual reunion.