Chinese Intersectional Fan Culture and Feminism Amongst the Coronavirus Outbreak Essay Example
Chinese Intersectional Fan Culture and Feminism Amongst the Coronavirus Outbreak Essay Example

Chinese Intersectional Fan Culture and Feminism Amongst the Coronavirus Outbreak Essay Example

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  • Pages: 5 (1285 words)
  • Published: August 26, 2021
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Leishensha, an emergency hospital built in response to the coronavirus outbreak, started construction on January 23, 2020. The following day, China Central Television (CCTV) streamed the construction process live on major social media platforms like Weibo. This live stream attracted over 40 million viewers by January 31, 2020. The construction vehicles became famous and were given nicknames by netizens, such as "Lan Wangji" the excavator, "Cha Jiang" the forklift, and "Ouni Jiang" the concrete mixer, along with their corresponding fan slogans. Inspired by this popularity and aiming to bring positivity through mass encouragement for the construction project, CCTV launched a support list (Zhu Li Bang). This practice is commonly seen in East Asian Idol industry and fan culture where fans vote for their chosen idol or celebrity, often with coordinated financial efforts from fan clubs, to increase their ranking and popularity i

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n fashion campaigns, brand endorsements, and debut competitions. Building on the success of this support list, the China Communist Youth League (CCYL) introduced its virtual idols, Jiangshan Jiao (meaning "Lovely Land") and Hongqi Man (meaning "Free-spirited Red Flag") on February 17. Both idols' names are inspired by poems written by Mao Zedong.

The Chinese government's campaign promoting fan and Idol culture during the coronavirus outbreak has sparked debates on social media platforms like Weibo, regarding the dehumanizing nature of such campaigns. In a SurplusValue interview, Web Developer Cherysun Zhang and Weibo influencer Xin Luo, who has 350,000 followers, discuss how the launch of support lists and virtual leaders in the construction industry neglects the needs of real workers. Instead, these campaigns personify and idolize construction vehicles. This Idol culture creates an "entertainized" narrative that shapes

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the relationship between citizens and authority. By idolizing the hospital construction and launching the CCYL virtual idol, this narrative minimizes individual workers' contributions and establishes a worship-and-worshipped relationship between citizens and authority. Nevertheless, some netizens see live streams as a source of comfort amidst the fear and anxiety during the epidemic. They find faith in witnessing the progression of the hospital with 40 million people.

One netizen expressed their willingness to donate to the medical teams and construction workers if the stream allowed Dashang (virtual gifts that provide financial support to streamers). In January, the national media, CCTV and People's Daily, reported on heroic medical workers in their daily news. These reports prominently featured female doctors and nurses, including a nine-months-pregnant doctor who was praised as "a great mother angel in the white gown" for her bravery in fighting the coronavirus on the frontline in Wuhan. Another medical worker, who suffered a miscarriage after returning from her post ten days ago, was honored for her bravery and sacrifice. However, the report also sparked controversy.

The news vocabulary such as “Wei mu ze gang” (mothers are persistent) depict women in a traditional domestic role, erasing their individual identities. Additionally, the absence of equivalent recognition for male doctors in national news implies the promotion of female sacrifice and devotion to the nation, serving as patriotic propaganda. Following the news report, the slogans “Stop using women’s bodies as a propaganda tool” and “Female workers” gained popularity on social media platforms. The campaign gained traction when a video from state-run news was released. Amid the epidemic, the needs of women, including periods, have been disregarded by male-dominated authorities who do not

consider sanitary products as essential resources. As a result, there has been a significant demand for replenishment and donations of hygiene products since the outbreak.

The video highlights the lack of sanitary pads for female medical workers in Wuhan, as commented by the principal medical leader. However, the word "Yue jin" (periods) is consistently censored in the video. The Chinese government's surveillance and control system censors content deemed contrary to constitutional principles, laws, or administrative regulations, under the guise of protecting the masses from sensitive materials. The authorities' delayed response reflects their stance on femininity: periods should not be discussed, female needs should be invisible, and the female body is regarded as shameful. In contrast, news of a nine-month pregnancy on the frontlines is seen as glorious, while returning to work after a ten-day miscarriage is deemed honorable.

The netizens are outraged by the authority's use of misogynistic vocabulary and actions that portray women as "sensitive materials" to the media. In response, campaigns advocating against gender shaming gained momentum. The comment section of a video discussing this issue was flooded with questions about censorship. Eventually, the comments were closed and the video was removed within a day. Another video, posted on February 17th, coinciding with the virtual idol Jiangshan Jiao, further angered female netizens and sparked the feminist movement known as Jiangshan Jiao amidst the coronavirus outbreak.

The video, shared by Gansu province local news, depicted a group of female medical workers having their heads shaved, resulting in some shedding tears. Since the beginning of the epidemic, these brave women have voluntarily cut their hair to minimize the risk of contracting the virus. Netizens have referred to them

as the "Modern Mulan," moved by their selfless sacrifice and thanking them for their service. However, rather than inspiring a sense of national heroism, the Gansu government's attempt to replicate this behavior creates feelings of guilt. Instead of invoking deep emotions within the public, this contrived sacrifice suggests a narrative where the medical workers are sacrificing themselves for the masses. This forms an image of a tragic hero, leading to collective trauma and guilt, ultimately elevating tragic heroes' value for patriotic propaganda purposes.

However, the Gansu government violates the basic principle of consent by forcing female medical workers to lose their choice. This is done in order to achieve the formality of tragic heroes, even though the people do not need this formality to appreciate and be grateful for all the medical workers. The act of head-shaving is quickly seen as a way to shame and discriminate against the female medical workers, and it is deemed completely unacceptable and sexist. This leads to a wave of anger and mockery on social media. Netizens seek solace in the virtual idol Jiangshan Jiao, bombarding her with thousands of questions that mimic the sexist treatment women face. These questions include: "Jiangshan Jiao, do you experience menstruation?" "Jiangshan Jiao, are you still a virgin?" "Jiangshan Jiao, do you go out alone after nine?" "Jiangshan Jiao, do you get sexually assaulted because your skirt is too short?" "Jiangshan Jiao, if your husband abuses you, will the police respond?" "Jiangshan Jiao, do you understand? Are you capable?" and so on.

Before being removed by the social media platform, the posts were viewed by 5 million people. In a matter of hours, the virtual

idol, originally created for patriotic propaganda and fostering political and national unity, became a symbol of the feminist movement against sexism. It also provided a means to express anger towards censorship, discrimination, and the government's handling of the coronavirus outbreak. Hongqi Man and Jiangshan Jiao were also taken down within hours. Jiangshan Jiao raises the question, "Do you have children?" in their posts.

(Post censored, link not found) The impact of the epidemic within twenty days of the initial outbreak is represented by Jiangshan Jiao. This article serves as a record of the progression leading to Jiangshan Jiao, preserving the memory of what has occurred and providing insight into the social change in China amidst the pandemic. My contribution is limited in the grand scope of time and history, but I can document. I observe, record, analyze, and remember. The primary goal of my record is to remember, enabling progress. Progress is the purpose of my record.

Regardless of the next decade or the decade after that, I will always desire progress, equality, freedom, and openness for my land.

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