A cross cultural perspective of polygyny Essay Example
A cross cultural perspective of polygyny Essay Example

A cross cultural perspective of polygyny Essay Example

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  • Pages: 11 (2997 words)
  • Published: January 5, 2019
  • Type: Case Study
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Polygyny, the practice of a man having multiple wives simultaneously, is present worldwide. It is believed that only a few primitive tribes restrict men from having multiple unions. Surprisingly, research suggests that only one to two percent of species are monogamous (Tucker). Even our closest relatives, chimpanzees, do not strictly follow monogamy and instead participate in a type of group marriage. Anthropologist Murdock (1957) reported that 75% of the 849 human societies examined practiced polygyny.

Monogamy is a suggested practice in many cultures, but it is challenging to determine its prevalence and importance based on available data (Malinowski 1962). In the past, polygyny was common among ancient Hebrews, traditional Chinese communities, and 19th-century Mormons in the United States. Today, polygyny is primarily observed in Africa, the Middle East, India, Thailand, and Indonesia. The ability for men to have multiple w

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ives depends on factors such as their family's economic prosperity,
prevailing bride price norms,
availability of eligible females for marriage,
desire for more children,
and presence of productive roles for additional wives. Despite societies allowing polygyny,
monogamy remains the most prevalent form of marriage due to living conditions experienced by the majority of people.
Polygyny can be categorized into two forms: sororal (where co-wives are sisters) and nonsororal (where co-wives are not sisters).

Levirate is a custom in certain societies where a man is obligated to marry his brother's widow. It is important to mention that not all members of the community engage in polygyny, as it would result in an unequal number of females. Instead, it is more precise to perceive polygyny as a type of multiple monogamy, with each wife establishing her own marriage contract with the man.

Polygynous marriage, where each wife

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has her own household and the husband visits them in order, closely resembles temporarily interrupted monogamy. In this arrangement, each marriage operates as an individual entity with its own domestic, economic, parental, legal, and religious elements that do not significantly interfere with one another. This form of polygyny with separate households is widely practiced among the Bantu and Hamitic peoples of Africa. Particularly among chiefs, who often have multiple wives, each wife typically resides in her own hut with her children and manages an independent household with distinct legal and economic rights (Pasternak 1976). However, in other cases such as among many N. tribes, the dynamics may differ.

Polygyny in American tribes has a significant impact on the institution of matrimonial life, where multiple wives coexist in the same household. In contrast to other African groups, Ijaw wives reside in separate apartments within a large structure, facilitating regular interaction with their co-wives (Rosaldo 1974). Various theories attempt to explain the cultural acceptance of polygyny. Initially, it was suggested that men have a greater inclination towards having multiple sexual partners compared to women (Tucker). Ethologists argue that there is a sociobiological imperative for men to seek as many sexual partners as possible (Sayers).

Despite the historical interest in this theory, there is no empirical evidence supporting the idea that males have a higher sex drive. Additionally, there is no reason to believe that the male sex drive differs among cultures. It's important to recognize that women are equally interested in sex and may even exceed men in this aspect. Women possess the capacity for multiple orgasms and a broader range of sexual stimulation as compared to men.

The practice of non-monogamy benefits both males by spreading their genes and females by increasing the strength and genetic diversity of their offspring (Benson).

The notion has been suggested that polygyny emerged as a type of marriage in response to extended prohibitions on sexual intercourse following childbirth. This is because polygyny enables the husband to have a lawful avenue for sexual activity during this period of taboo (Whiting). Whiting discovered that societies reliant on crops like roots and trees, which likely offer low protein content, are more prone to having a lengthy postpartum sex prohibition. There also seems to be a statistical correlation between the existence of this taboo and a preference for polygyny. While men may seek other sexual relationships during this taboo period, it remains unclear why polygyny is the sole solution when sex can be legitimized beyond marriage. Extra-marital alliances or masturbation could also alleviate the issue. Another potential explanation for the origins of polygyny is an imbalanced sex ratio where men are scarce compared to women (Pasternak 1976).

The presence of polygyny in societies with a shortage of adult males suggests that an imbalance in the sex ratio is not the only factor explaining its existence. While it can contribute to certain cases, it does not fully account for polygyny in most societies. An example of this is the emergence of plural marriage among Mormons in Utah, where there was an excess of males, similar to other western states in the US. A extensively studied theory connects the occurrence of polygyny to the productive value of women. According to this theory, polygyny is more common in societies where women play significant roles in

contributing to their respective communities' subsistence (Pasternak 1976).

However, further research has revealed that the correlation between women's economic contribution and marriage form is more intricate. Studies have found a non-linear connection between women's productive value and the presence of polygyny (Rosaldo 1974). Polygyny exists in economic systems where women possess a significant potential to contribute to subsistence, such as gathering and agricultural economies. In various African communities, the chief amasses wealth by having multiple wives who engage in agricultural labor. This labor enables him to maintain opulent hospitality, which plays a vital role in his power dynamics. Moreover, polygyny can also be observed in economic systems where women have limited potential for contribution, such as hunting and fishing economies. In these cases, multiple wives are valued for their reproductive capacity since having more wives increases the likelihood of producing economically contributing sons (Malinowski 1962). Having numerous wives not only enhances a man's wealth but also boosts his social significance, reputation, authority, and influences the number of his offspring.

Polygyny, which is the practice of men having multiple wives, is prevalent in various Bantu communities in Africa as well as in Melanesian and Polynesian communities. The desire for multiple wives is viewed as a significant aspect of a man's life and is considered prestigious and indicative of social power. The prevalence of polygyny is further influenced by socially or politically stratified divisions within a society, allowing men to acquire economic rights to women and form alliances between unequal groups.

In Western cultures, polygyny is often perceived as a means for men to dominate women; however, the level of autonomy experienced by women in polygynous unions varies across different

cultures. The degree of autonomy depends on factors like opportunities outside the home, contact with their family of origin, employment access, importance placed on their children, and current life cycle stage. Furthermore, being in a polygynous marriage offers advantages for the wives themselves such as sharing economic and domestic responsibilities, freedom from constant supervision by a husband, and reduced pressure for constant sexual availability. In African polygynous societies specifically, women frequently attain economic independence through trading.

Trading not only grants de facto autonomy from the authority of husbands (and may alleviate tensions between cowives), but also fosters the formation of female bonding through extra-domestic cooperative groups like trading associations (Benson 1971). Strangely, polygyny emerges as an appealing prospect for both parties. For example, in Africa, a man with significant land holdings may choose to marry multiple wives to assist him with labor. Since he only contributes roughly half of their income, even a man of modest means can have multiple wives. Additionally, polygyny alleviates the workload for women. In many situations, it is the first wife who suggests acquiring a second wife to handle the most draining household chores.

In traditional African society, marriage holds significant significance as it is the means through which society's elements are perpetuated and groups and individuals pursue a complex strategy. Women play a critical role in this process as they acquire and manage wives and companions for brothers, sons, and husbands. The selection of a first wife is carefully considered by a husband, as she is responsible for training and organizing subsequent wives, as well as older children, clients, wards, and previously, slaves, into an agricultural workforce.

The primary wife is responsible

for generating the agricultural prosperity of the household, and if her warrior husband is absent or preoccupied for extended periods, she often assumes the role of head of household. Despite a husband marrying younger and more attractive wives, he continues to regard his first wife with high respect and consideration (Rosaldo). In Mende culture, the principal wife in a large polygynous household possesses significant religious and economic power. She coordinates the agricultural workforce, manages the storage and marketing of surplus goods. Due to these responsibilities, Mende head wives are considered authoritative figures, and on occasion, a chief's head wife will succeed him in leadership, even if she lives with her husband's lineage in his chiefdom and lacks genealogical legitimacy within her kin's village (Tucker).

In many polygynous societies, jealousy is often reported, although it is not an unavoidable consequence of polygyny. Tension arises when multiple wives compete for the husband's resources, and each wife strives to prioritize her own children over her co-wives' children (Rosaldo). The Kanuri of Bornu, who reside in a centralized Muslim state, follow a practice where young women are married off to middle-aged men. A woman's ability to control her husband's dominance depends on her capacity to withhold food and sexual services. The presence of a second wife poses a significant threat to her, resulting in reduced attention from her husband for both herself and her children. Consequently, her ability to gain compliance from her husband diminishes. However, Malinowski (1962) argues that the jealousy between co-wives is more akin to competition for acquiring maximum resources for themselves and their offspring rather than sexual jealousy.

In order to minimize conflicts among cowives, it is

common to establish a set of rules that define their responsibilities and rights in areas including sex, economics, and personal possessions. For example, a Patani man adheres to a specific order in which he sleeps with each of his wives, as does a Korokorosei husband. However, there are differences in how the women schedule their domestic tasks for their husband. In the case of a Patani woman, she only cooks for and takes care of her husband when it is her turn to sleep with him. On the other hand, a Korokorosei woman is required to cook for her husband every day and attend to his domestic needs whenever he asks. Additionally, the presence of associations in Patani provides support for a woman dealing with difficulties in her relationships with her cowives. In contrast, the Korokorosei woman is responsible for resolving her own problems (Priso).

The main theme in group families is not swinging sex, but the swinging label may still persist in areas where polygyny is less common. Parenting in such groups faces a fundamental problem due to the social stigma attached to deviant life-styles. Raising children in a social environment that is heavily criticized or condemned poses obvious difficulties, particularly when parents realize that their children may grow up feeling alienated from them or from the mainstream culture they will eventually need to adapt to (Sayres). Children in polygynous unions may primarily be raised by their mother, supervised by the senior cowife, or raised jointly with a rotational system.

One advantage of being the senior wife in a polygynous marriage is that the economic claims made by many cowives on behalf of their children result

in preferential treatment for the offspring. There is no evidence supporting the notion that mothers in these unions develop unusually close ties with their children due to the absence of their father (Tucker). While African husbands can expect their wives to support themselves and work for them, they have minimal rights to their children. Female farming and polygyny are commonly associated with matrilineal descent, meaning that lineage is determined exclusively through the mothers' line.

Often, children inherit their mothers' names, leading to frequent divorces and transient marriages. In African culture, divorce grants the husband certain domestic and sexual benefits from his wife, but her loyalty lies with her natal family and her children always belong to her lineage. In case of divorce, the wife and her children are taken care of by her natal family, rather than being integrated into the husband's lineage. In Stanleyville (the Congo), a significant majority of married individuals have also experienced divorce.

According to one study, Hausa women in Nigeria typically have an average of three marriages from puberty to menopause. In a Yao village in Nyasaland, it was discovered that eight out of ten individuals over the age of 40 had experienced divorce. Among the Mossi in the Voltaic group, men who migrate to nearby Ghana may form households with Ashanti women without marrying them due to the Ashanti's matrilineal descent system, which prevents them from taking their own children back to their homeland. In societies that follow a patrilineal or dual descent system, on the other hand, marriages tend to be more stable.

Children are typically seen as belonging to the mother's lineage, regardless of their legitimacy. In fact, early illegitimacy

can be seen positively as evidence of fertility (Malinowski 1962). While there is a belief that polygyny is associated with HIV and Hepatitis C, in countries like Rwanda and Burundi it can actually help reduce infection rates. This is because it allows women who don't have enough eligible partners due to factors like war, violence, or imprisonment to marry the limited number of available men. These marriages provide sexual satisfaction without resorting to promiscuity or prostitution for support. Additionally, those who only engage sexually within their bonded polygynous unions do not transmit or contract HIV.

The FDA and our Public Health Depts. state that condoms have a 20% one-out-of-five failure rate. This false hope placed in condoms leads to more deaths from diseases than deaths from polygyny, according to Sayres. The reasons for the occurrence and maintenance of polygyny vary from society to society. However, once polygyny is adopted, ideology and customs develop that contribute to its perpetuation even after the original reason for the practice disappears. Nonetheless, traditional societies that have previously encouraged plural marriages are now moving towards monogamy. This shift sometimes occurs in stages, while in other cases, polygyny is allowed but discouraged by recognizing the first marriage as legal and treating additional wives as concubines. According to Benson (1971), the most commonly cited explanation for this movement away from polygyny is that monogamy is more compatible with industrialization. The decline of the practice can also be attributed to factors such as ideology and the banning of polygyny.

Some American men argue that monogamy is beneficial for women's rights. However, these men seem to overlook the historical struggles of liberation movements, from suffragists in

the early 20th century to present-day feminists. The truth remains that monogamy primarily protects men, granting them the freedom to engage in extramarital affairs without consequences. The availability of convenient birth control and legal abortion has facilitated women's participation in the so-called sexual revolution. Yet, women endure the trauma of abortion and suffer from the side effects of birth control methods. Additionally, disregarding the prevalence of venereal diseases, herpes, and AIDS, men continue to enjoy their freedom without worry. Monogamy serves as a shield for men while women remain victims of male desires.

Polygyny is strongly opposed by the male-dominated society as it obliges men to accept responsibility and faithfulness, while also ensuring the support and provision for women and children. The ultimate objective in the institution of marriage is to promote morality and happiness, consequently establishing a fair and unified society that caters to the needs of both genders. However, the contemporary Western society, which allows unrestricted sexual activity among consenting adults, has resulted in an excess of irresponsible relationships, an abundance of fatherless children, and a growing number of teenage mothers with no marital status - all posing a burden on the country's welfare system. This undesirable welfare burden has contributed to a significant budget deficit, even within economically powerful countries such as the United States.

Artificially established monogamy in this country has had a detrimental effect on the family structure, as well as on the social, economic, and political systems. For thousands of years, polygyny has been practiced globally and has been found to be beneficial economically and politically for both men and women. Having multiple wives allows women to share household responsibilities and

gain independence from their husbands. It also relieves them from the constant pressure of fulfilling the sexual needs of a single male.

Polygyny can sometimes enable women to attain a higher status within their community, which may not be possible in a monogamous relationship. These types of relationships can serve as an alternative to loneliness for single individuals, mitigate the consequences of fatherless children, and reduce the prevalence of violence and juvenile crime in households where the father has abandoned them. Polygyny has demonstrated its advantages for various societies and cultures.

REFERENCES

  1. Benson, Leonard
  2. 1971: The Family Bond: Marriage, Love, and Sex in America. New York: Random House.
  3. Malinowski, Bronislaw
  4. 1962: Sex, Culture, and Myth. New York: Harcourt, Brace ; World, Inc.
  5. Murdock, G.
  6. 1957: American Anthropologist: World Ethnographic Sample. 59: 664-687.
  7. Pasternak, Burton
  8. 1976: Introduction to Kinship ; Social Organization. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, Inc.
  9. Priso, Manga
  10. In press Unesco Courier: Lines of Descent. Chicago: Oakview, Inc.
  11. Rosaldo, Michelle Zimbalist
  12. 1974: Woman, Culture, ; Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
  13. Sayres, William
  14. In press The World ; I: What Is a Family Anyway.

Washington: Washington Times Corp.

  • Tucker, William
  • In press National Review: All in the Family. New York: National Review Press.
  • Whiting, J.
  • In press In Explorations in Culture Anthropology: Effects of Climate on Certain Cultural Anthropology. New York: McGraw Hill.
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