neo-china politics Essay Example
neo-china politics Essay Example

neo-china politics Essay Example

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  • Pages: 11 (2765 words)
  • Published: December 25, 2018
  • Type: Case Study
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China's foreign policy revolves around modernization and security, addressing conflicts that directly affect its development and security on a bilateral level. It also embraces economic organizations to facilitate growth while employing multilateralism in security matters only when practical. This approach enables China to support the status quo in certain areas while challenging it in others. In the post-Cold War era, China has shifted its foreign policy focus from a regional or global context to prioritizing its neighbors in Asia. This shift reflects China's acknowledgment of the dominance of free markets and the abandonment of ideas for a global revolution. Instead, China emphasizes economic development and modernization over involvement in global politics.

A key factor contributing to China's economic growth is its ability to enhance military capabilities by acquiring advanced weapons or developing new ones through consumer goods technology. The ruling Party attaches

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significant importance to economic progress, having transitioned from ideological fervor to relying on economic prosperity since Deng Xiaoping's market reforms. In exchange for economic prosperity, the Party promises undisputed rule, making any slowdown in growth potentially destabilizing.

Therefore, China channels resources towards maintaining a healthy pace of growth towards their goals rather than involving itself extensively in remote conflicts that have minimal impact on the nation. Its primary focus is placed on neighboring countries instead.China's approach to regional battles and potential US control over Korea is motivated by concerns about hindering economic development. To maintain stability and power equilibrium, China employs diplomatic maneuvers and carefully crafted foreign policies towards both Koreas and the United States. Chinese leaders often visit North Korea during times of international condemnation to extend friendship, even though they do not defend

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actions like the Rangoon explosion or the 1987 bombing of a South Korean airline. China supports direct dialogue between the US and North Korea, as well as North Korea's call for renegotiation of the Armistice Agreement that ended the Korean War. Furthermore, China publicly expresses support for "peaceful" and "reasonable" means of Korean reunification while using its own reform and domestic changes to influence North Korea, showcasing their commitment to stability on the Korean peninsula (Yu p.188-189). According to Roy (p.207-209), China recognizes South Korea's economic potential and has become its third largest trading partner. In 1992, trade between the two countries reached $20 billion, a significant increase from $2 billion in 1990. Moreover, China values South Korea not only for its revenue but also for its technological contributions to China's development (Yu p.188).China's commitment to foreign affairs impacting its modernization and economic growth is demonstrated in this example. While few conflicts have as much impact on China as Korea, China generally shows indifference towards global politics. However, when it comes to Taiwan, China is firmly devoted regardless of the cost involved. The PRC strongly opposes any diplomatic recognition of Taiwan as an independent nation and requires nations seeking normal diplomatic relations with China to adhere to the one-China principle (Roy p.200). China has shown its stance on various occasions, including using its UN Security Council veto to block peacekeepers in Guatemala and the extension of peacekeeping forces in Haiti due to their diplomatic relations with Taiwan (Roy p.201 and J. Wang p.81). According to Tyler (p.5), a spokesperson from China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that they will not cooperate in peacekeeping with Guatemala

while it engages in actions that harm China's sovereignty and territorial integrity.Despite this stance, the United States switched diplomatic ties to China as a friendly gesture.The issue of Taiwan highlights China's selective involvement in global politics, prioritizing its own interests and avoiding conflicts that do not significantly affect them (J.Wang p.80). The only exception seems to be when multilateral security bodies like the UN or NATO militarily intervene in sovereign states' affairsChina's political principle of sovereignty being violated is merely met with rhetoric instead of action (J.Wang p.80). Despite consistently opposing military involvement, China has only used its veto power once in 1992 to reject a resolution proposing an economic embargo on Cambodia (J.Wang p.78). This hesitation can be understood from two perspectives: firstly, limited resources faced by the UN and NATO make it unrealistic for military involvement to enforce collective security (J.Wang p.79). Secondly, China aims to maintain a positive international image for economic development and avoids being seen as obstructive which could harm its fragile appearance. This example highlights China's commitment to global politics only when it significantly affects their modernization efforts. While active in dealing with neighboring countries, China has been largely absent from global politics until recently. Its increasing receptiveness to multilateral diplomacy, particularly in economic matters, demonstrates a shift in perception influenced by various factors including the recognition that the world has changed since the end of the Cold War.Economically, Asian countries have become more interdependent than ever, which requires greater standardization and coordination of economic activities (J. Wang p.82). Additionally, China has a strong motivation to maintain regional stability by collectively addressing issues in trouble areas like Cambodia, the

Korean Peninsula, and the South China Sea (Wang p.82). Resolving conflicts effectively in this new context of multiple powers necessitates a collaborative approach (J. Wang p.91 and Deng p.55). Therefore, organizations such as ARF, ASEAN, and the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty (NPT) have gained significance (Roy p.179). Due to its proximity to supportive ASEAN nations, China faces pressure to participate in these multilateral forums. China's involvement in multilateralism is partly driven by its desire to shape the emerging world order and avoid marginalization (Chirstensen p.245). Multilateralism is seen as beneficial by China because it prevents unilateral or bilateral influence over Asian politics by the United States, which also concerns neighboring countries (Christensen p.246). By joining the ARF, China aims to reduce US dominance in political and security discussions within the Asia-Pacific region while addressing various issues such as human rights violations, US-Japan military plans for an anti-ballistic missile defense system and Japan's role in international peacekeeping forces.China participates in multilateral platforms like the ARF in order to address the South China Sea dispute within these frameworks. Additionally, China aims to showcase its intentions as a rising global power through both bilateral and multilateral foreign policies. One way it does this is by strengthening its relationship with ASEAN to counterbalance ASEAN's increasing influence. In the early 1990s, China established normal relations with all ASEAN nations and became a dialogue partner in 1991. Its interest in becoming a full dialogue partner was granted in 1996, leading to the first China-ASEAN Summit taking place in Kuala Lumpur in 1997, which marked a new phase of development for Chinese-ASEAN relations (Roy p.179, 180; J.Wang p.92, 85).

China believes that mutual

trust, equality, and respect for national sovereignty should form the basis of building multilateral security mechanisms. They prefer informal discussions on security issues rather than formal institutionalized regimes because they prioritize non-interference in internal matters and view national sovereignty as crucial in international relations. Despite weak institutionalization, China supports multilateral organizations like ARF, APEC, UN Collective Security, and ASEAN that promote informal dialogue.

Rather than resorting to military action, China considers collective security as complementary to political solutions when dealing with security issues (source:from original text).China values its international image and refrains from using its UN Security Council veto in conflicts involving Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Rwanda. The question arises whether this embrace of multilateralism is a tactical adjustment or a deeper change in perception. Distinguishing between a "tactical shift" and "learning" regarding China's view on multilateralism may not always be clear. A tactical shift suggests that China sees multilateralism as a means to gain advantages, while learning would involve a fundamental change resulting in genuine appreciation for it. Both claims can be supported by evidence. For instance, China appears genuinely appreciative of multilateralism based on its stance on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (Roy p.179-180; J.Wang p.92-85). Beijing recognizes the threats posed by nuclear proliferation to global and national security but believes that pursuing equality in international relations is worthwhile. Consequently, China has shifted from opposing the treaty to actively supporting it. However, this increased involvement seems primarily driven by the desire to balance US bilateralism with Japan and alleviate concerns among neighboring countries during China's rise as a global power.
According to Yong Deng (p.52), China's perspective on the growth of multilateral networks is focused on its

own national interests and how it can benefit itself. This indicates that there has been more of a tactical shift rather than a significant change in perception (Christensen, p.248). Despite this, bilateral relations still remain prevalent for various reasons.

China's negative experience with multilateral diplomacy can be traced back to the Korean War when it became a primary target of UN collective security (Wang, p.74). Under the UN flag, the United States had authorized deployment of armed forces and influenced the UN General Assembly to pass a resolution calling for an embargo on strategic and military materials to China (Wang, p.75). As a result, China approaches multilateral collective security with caution.

China prefers engaging in bilateral discussions rather than internationalizing security matters, especially internal ones. This preference arises from the absence of immediate external military threats faced by China since the Opium War in the 1840s. Instead, China sees challenges within its borders such as separatist movements in Taiwan, Tibet, and Xinjiang as potential sources of instability (Wang, p.83). Addressing these concerns internally without involving third parties is considered crucial by China.
China acknowledges the unique perspectives and effective strategies of each Asian state in ensuring national security (Roy p.179). Consequently, China is reluctant to embrace multilateralism as it believes it would complicate matters and invite foreign interference in its internal security issues. This hesitation stems from their realist perception that power struggles frequently arise within these organizations (Wang p.84). China considers itself not strong enough for power competition and is cautious about prematurely engaging in such struggles, which may put them at a disadvantage. Chinese analysts also fear being seen as an enemy within multilateral security organizations,

perceiving them to rely on the presence of an adversary. As a result, China avoids committing to anything that could restrict its future freedom of action (Wang p.84).

China's preference for bilateral dealings with neighboring countries reflects its desire to avoid complications from multilateral security frameworks and maximize leverage over smaller neighbors. A current example of this can be seen in the ongoing dispute over the Spratly Islands, where six claimants - China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines - assert ownership. China insists on conducting bilateral negotiations with each claimant to utilize its superior power and prevent potentially unfavorable multilateral resolutions involving all parties involved in the dispute.China perceives territorial disputes and separatist movements as threats to its security, opposing any foreign involvement in resolving these issues. The potential containment of China worries Beijing due to shifting attitudes among neighboring Asian countries and the United States regarding either embracing or restraining China. Beijing hopes that its neighboring nations will align themselves with China's increasing influence rather than attempting to balance or restrict it. In terms of economics, China effectively serves its own interests through limited-cost multilateralism, benefiting from economic cooperation such as reduced tariffs, technology transfers, and investment inflows while also addressing concerns of its neighbors. However, when it comes to security matters, China is reluctant to fully embrace multilateral approaches due to the tradeoff between alleviating fears and limiting its freedom in dealing with potential security challenges. Consequently, China leans more towards economic multilateralism but remains cautious about security multilateralism. Currently, China sees no advantages in adopting a comprehensive security framework within the region and prefers maintaining the current status quo. Nevertheless, as

China continues to modernize and become more familiar with multilateralism, its perception may change over time and it may gain confidence that its growth is not being restrained through multilateral means.Despite the possibility of changes, if the United States, ASEAN countries, and China's neighbors adopt a realist foreign policy towards China, it is unlikely that China will stop opposing an institutionalized security framework. However, Beijing is content as long as it can continue accessing tools for modernization like technology infusion and world markets. Additionally, along with other security challenges, China currently faces territorial disputes concerning Taiwan and the South China Seas which are of great interest to them due to the valuable natural resources they possess that can aid in their modernization efforts. Furthermore, these disputes have implications for ongoing territorial conflicts such as Tibet, Xinjiang, and the Senkaku Islands (Roy p.186). In addressing this matter, Beijing has three possible approaches: unilaterally seizing control of the islands through force (which would strain relations with ASEAN members), backing down and making concessions (which would be seen as a sign of weakness), or finding a middle ground that satisfies all parties involved. The Chinese leaders have chosen to delay resolving the issue in line with their approach. As part of their strategy to maintain the status quo and avoid potential losses from pressing further on this matter, they propose conducting joint explorations on the Spratly Islands (Roy p.190 and F. Wang p.37).The text emphasizes that China places great importance on the Taiwan issue, as it not only affects their self-image but also has wider implications for China as a whole. Despite supporting reunification and accepting temporary separation,

they firmly oppose Taiwanese independence and are willing to take military action against any declaration of independence, even from American forces. Additionally, while China prioritizes short-term development goals and engages in modernization efforts despite the temporary separation with Taiwan, they focus on maintaining stability on the Korean Peninsula. Any changes in this region could have unfavorable consequences for China, such as getting involved in a military conflict between North and South Korea. The potential collapse of North Korea leading to reunification under South Korean dominance would pose negative implications for China as it may cause disruptions that spill across the border. This outcome would also align Korea more closely with the West and potentially result in joining an anti-China alliance. (F. Wang p., Roy p.)Additionally, the text states that a unified Korea would be in a better position to assert its territorial claims against China (Roy p.213) and that South Korean investment funds would shift their focus towards developing a united Korea instead of investing in China (Roy p.213). Despite these potential drawbacks for China, Beijing actively works to prevent the collapse of North Korea and supports peace treaty talks involving four parties (Yu p.190). However, it is important to note that China does not wish to maintain the current situation entirely; rather, they aim to enhance their global image from one of weakness to being recognized as a powerful player. To achieve this goal, economic development is crucial while ensuring both internal and external security. Conflicts with significant impacts on China's economy or security take precedence over more remote conflicts. The country prioritizes its foreign policy within the regional context of neighboring countries due

to their proximity and greater economic and security importance. China has taken strong positions on security matters such as Taiwan, Spratly Islands, and Tibet. There is recognition of varying degrees of emergence in economic and security multilateralism with an understanding that globalization will persist and multilateralism is the most effective approach for addressing interdependent world problems. However, Chinese leaders differentiate between economic and security multilateralismChina generally supports economic multilateralism through organizations like the WTO and APEC. However, it prefers informal security frameworks over formal ones due to concerns about rigid structures that may seek to balance or contain its power. Nevertheless, China is willing to engage in informal security discussions as a way to demonstrate its responsible international role and avoid being excluded from international decision-making if it refuses participation.

Despite China's tactical adjustment towards multilateralism (except for nuclear non-proliferation), this does not indicate a genuine shift in its appreciation for it. For true change to occur, China needs to feel secure as a global power. This reliance on several conditions includes: 1) Beijing no longer feeling threatened by its neighbors and the United States regarding containment; 2) China being content with its military capabilities and seeing the maintenance of a balance in military strength as desirable; 3) resolving ongoing territorial disputes; and 4) interconnected security among Asian nations rendering bilateral approaches ineffective in addressing emerging problems.

Until all these prerequisites are met, China will not fully embrace economic and security multilateralism, thus continuing its current inconsistent and hypocritical foreign policy.

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