War and Peace in Mindanao Essay Example
War and Peace in Mindanao Essay Example

War and Peace in Mindanao Essay Example

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  • Published: July 5, 2018
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War and Peace in Mindanao by Murray Smith

In December 2006, I had the chance to visit Mindanao, a Southern Philippine island that rarely receives media attention unless there are cases of Western tourists being abducted.

The ongoing conflict in Mindanao, lasting over 35 years, primarily centers on the Muslim Bangsa Moro people's pursuit of self-determination. The consequences have been devastating, with a staggering loss of over 120,000 lives including innocent civilians. Moreover, more than one million individuals have been displaced and left without homes or resources. Seeking safety, around 200,000 to 300,000 refugees have sought shelter in neighboring Sabah, Malaysia while others have relocated to Manila or different regions within the Philippines. It is crucial to acknowledge that the roots of this conflict extend far into history.

During the 16th century, Spain colonized what is now known as the

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Philippines. They successfully took over Manila and gradually gained control of Luzon, but faced various uprisings while ruling as a colony. However, they were unable to fully conquer Mindanao except for a few coastal settlements. The Muslim sultanates of Sulu and Maguindanao governed the western part of Mindanao and nearby islands, with their inhabitants being called Moros. The remaining portion of the island was inhabited by indigenous tribes.

In 1896, the Philippines began their fight for independence from Spain, which was later impacted by the Spanish-American War of 1898. At first, the Americans presented themselves as allies to the Filipinos but eventually took control over the Philippines from Spain with the Treaty of Paris in December 1898. As a result, about 600,000 Filipinos – roughly one-sixth of Luzon's population – perished while opposing American occupation.

During the American conquest, the

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casualties on other islands were comparable in number, although an exact count has never been made. It can be reasonably estimated that at least one million Filipinos lost their lives during this period, considering the population was seven million at that time. General "Jake" Smith explicitly stated his soldiers' orders: "I want no prisoners. I wish you to kill and burn; the more you burn and kill, the better it will please me." Another General Shafter expressed a similar sentiment with a more philosophical tone, suggesting that it might be necessary to eliminate half of the Filipinos in order to uplift the remaining half from their current semi-barbaric condition.

Both the Spanish and the Americans acted without proper authority in their dealings involving the Philippines. Despite making peace with upper-class leaders of the resistance movement, the American occupation faced ongoing opposition, particularly on Mindanao which Spain had never fully conquered. Resistance persisted until 1914. One notable event took place on March 2, 1906 – known as the First Battle of Bud Dajo or commonly referred to as the Moro Crater Massacre. During this event, approximately 800 to 1000 armed Moros sought shelter in a volcanic crater on Jolo island, including women and children. They were then targeted using modern weapons and artillery.

The Moros, greatly outnumbered in the battle, had only six survivors left while around twenty Americans died. Consequently, they became part of the Philippine state as an American colony until 1946 when it gained formal independence. However, they continued to face political, economic, and cultural oppression and discrimination. It is understandable that they fiercely clung to their own identity and desire for freedom; thus rebellion

was inevitable. The Jabidah massacre in 1968 marked a significant event where Moro army recruits were massacred by superiors in the Philippine army for refusing participation in the invasion of Sabah - a province of Malaysia with historical ties to the Moros.

The armed conflict in Mindanao commenced in the early 1970s, spearheaded by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). The MNLF successfully negotiated a peace agreement with the Philippine Government, leading to the establishment of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 1996. Nevertheless, this form of autonomy proved dissatisfactory and resulted in a division within the MNLF, leading to the formation of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which continued their armed struggle. At present, MILF is actively engaged in negotiations for increased autonomy. However, it is crucial to acknowledge that while Bangsa Moro seeks self-determination or independence from the Philippines, there have also been non-Muslim tribes historically residing in Mindanao and Moros do not control the entire region.

Although Mindanao had a Muslim majority until 1918, the current population consists of approximately 25% Muslims. Another 5% is made up of indigenous Lumad peoples, leaving Christians to make up the remaining 70%. This significant change in demographics was not by chance.

Throughout the 20th century, both under American rule and the independent Philippines, there was a policy implemented to populate Mindanao with migrants from other parts of the Philippines. This served two purposes: alleviating rural discontent elsewhere by providing land to these settlers and creating a population in Mindanao loyal to the Philippine state. The execution of this policy involved the introduction of land registration and Western legal norms, as well as restrictions on land

ownership for Muslims. Manila's government had a clear objective in mind, which was successfully achieved. However, it is important to note that these settlers and their descendants do not hold a higher social status than the Moros and they do not live separately from them.

The migrants and their descendants in Mindanao, including Muslims, are ordinary workers and peasants. There is no intention to expel them from the region. While Muslims are the majority in some parts of Mindanao and the adjacent islands, which are mainly part of the ARMM, they are a significant minority elsewhere. The Lumad indigenous peoples, consisting of twelve tribes, also have ancestral lands in both Christian and Muslim-dominated areas. Any solution to the issues in Mindanao should respect the Moro people's right to self-determination, as well as the rights of the Lumad. However, it must be acknowledged that three distinct peoples now coexist in Mindanao, each with their own history, culture, and identity.

In the 1990s, progressive forces in Mindanao introduced the concept of a "tri-people" solution, emphasizing coexistence among three different ethnic groups. It is important to acknowledge that addressing the Moro national question alone does not solve all problems in Mindanao. The region, including its surrounding islands, suffers from severe poverty, with 40% of its population living on less than two dollars per day. Known as the Philippines' "last frontier," multinational corporations are currently exploiting Mindanao's agricultural and mining resources, as well as its forests.

The activities in Mindanao exploit the natural resources of the region and violate the ancestral lands of the Lumad. These activities also result in ecological devastation. During the 1970s and early 1980s, Mindanao served as a

stronghold for those opposing Ferdinand Marcos' dictatorship. This included the armed insurgency led by the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines known as the New People's Army. Mass resistance from people's organizations was seen in both urban and rural areas. Although the Maoist insurgency continued after Marcos' overthrow in 1986, it started to weaken in the late 1980s due to political mistakes, self-destructive purges, and ultimately a division within the CPP in 1992. Nevertheless, there are still CCP-NPA Maoists today who remain unyielding and advocate for physical elimination of their political adversaries.

Significant importance is held by the Revolutionary Workers’ Party-Mindanao (RPMM), among the opposing forces of the 1992 division. Mindanao and nearby islands possess a large amount of weaponry. The army and militarized police are constantly present, while armed henchmen serve landlords and multinational mining and logging firms.

The Moro movements participate in armed activities, including strike organization and land reform advocacy, which exposes them to the risk of being targeted by death squads. Numerous political activists and 50 journalists have been assassinated since President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assumed office in 2001. Consequently, left-wing movements also find it necessary to arm themselves. I joined a delegation from Holland on a visit to Mindanao to participate in the 4th Mindanao Peoples’ Peace Summit, primarily coordinated by the Mindanao Peoples’ Peace Movement (MPPM).

The MPPM was established in 1997 and 1999 due to increasing hostilities on the island, notably after then-president Joseph Estrada's declaration of "Total War" against the MILF in June 2000. Shortly after, Estrada was removed from power by a popular movement. Previous summits were held in 2000, 2002, and 2004. The MPPM's main focus was finding a

lasting solution to the Bangsa Moro issue while also engaging in peacebuilding efforts and providing aid to victims of war. They worked closely with Professor Abhoud Syed M. Lingga-led Bangsa Moro Consultative Peoples' Assembly.

The main pillars of this solution were acknowledging the Bangsa Moro people's right to self-determination and proposing that any agreement should be ratified through a UN- supervised referendum. The movement for such a referendum was initiated during the second summit in December 2002. The fourth summit took place in the town of Lamitan on the island of Basilan, and this location was chosen intentionally.

Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi islands have become the center of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG)'s activities. Unlike the MNLF and MILF, which are national liberation movements, ASG is an extremist Islamic group connected to Al Qaeda that engages in acts of terrorism like bombings, killings, and kidnappings. The origins of ASG are unclear, with suspicions that government agents helped create it. Currently, the government uses ASG's actions to fuel anti-Muslim sentiments and generate a sense of insecurity. This justifies the presence of Philippine troops and American "advisers" in what the US government calls their newest front in the "war against terror." In 2001, Lamitan experienced a siege with several casualties when ASG militants held foreign hostages at a local hospital. However, despite this incident, the town's population consisting of 55% Christians and 45% Muslims coexist peacefully.

In an effort to counter government and media hysteria, Lamitan arranged a summit that aimed to be friendly and inclusive. The summit drew over 500 attendees, predominantly from Mindanao and nearby islands. Over the course of five days, the event focused on promoting peace

and democracy in the region. Representatives from various groups such as MNLF, MILF, and Lumad peoples participated in discussions alongside youth, women, and popular organizations. The topics covered ranged from peace, health, education to economic development. The primary emphasis of the summit was on self-determination and achieving a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Mindanao.

During the summit, various issues were discussed, including concerns about equality expressed by Muslim women that made some conservative men uncomfortable. Additionally, one session of the summit was dedicated to reporting on the peace negotiations between the RPMM and the government. In 2005, a ceasefire was established and a subsequent meeting resulted in an agreement regarding its implementation and monitoring. Unlike certain armed groups, the RPMM adopts a broader approach rather than solely relying on military strategies. The RPMM connects achieving a definitive agreement and disarmament to the government's commitment to addressing social problems in areas where they operate, such as health, housing, employment, among others.

Moreover, it empowers the residents of those regions to identify their own requirements. The pursuit of peace in Mindanao is closely linked to economic and social development. At present, armed conflicts are relatively restricted, with ongoing government negotiations involving both the MNLF and the MILF. There exists a possibility, albeit uncertain, of achieving a fresh accord concerning autonomy for the Bangsa Moros.

But peace is more than just the absence of war. It entails acknowledging the rights of the Moros and the Lumad and addressing all forms of poverty, inequality, and injustice that foster violence. Mindanao possesses immense potential wealth, but it should be owned and controlled by its citizens, not the current collaboration of corrupt politicians,

landowners, and multinational corporations. Murray Smith, who was previously involved with the Scottish Socialist Party, is actively engaged with the LCR.

Other recent articles:
Philippines The Second Congress of the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (Mindanao) - October 2010 Message to the RPM-M Second Party Congress - October 2010 The Unfortunate Collateral Damage in the name of Peace - October 2008 Mindanao on the brink - September 2008 Padding and shaving - June 2007
Subjects:
•Conflict
•conflicts
Poverty and a lack of political will are driving insurgency in the troubled southern region of the Philippines.
About the author Mark Dearn has written and researched for the Independent, Chunichi Shimbun and the Tokyo Shimbun. He specializes in southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific, with a particular focus on separatist conflicts, minority rights issues, and Islamist groups.
Filipina economist Solita Collas-Monsod issued a somber warning recently when she disclosed that poverty levels in the Philippines are increasing despite ongoing economic growth and an expanding GDP. Inequality is growing more apparent amidst one of the world's longest-running internal conflicts – persistent violence in southern Philippines. This seemingly unsolvable civil war revolves around historical grievances as well as contemporary injustices, primarily centered on Mindanao island and Sulu archipelago.

The southern Philippines has been embroiled in a long-standing battle due to centuries of religious conflict and government failure to improve the lives of marginalized individuals. The separatist Muslim moros, also known as "moors," have waged war against the post-colonial Philippines government for over five decades. This conflict has resulted in more than 100,000 deaths and the displacement of over two million people. The roots of this conflict can be traced back to the introduction of Islam in the region prior

to the arrival of Spanish Jesuits in the 16th century. However, it was during the late 19th century when American imperialists successfully subdued the troublesome southern islands, paving the way for a destructive conflict comparable to those seen in Northern Ireland and the Middle East. Despite its significant impact, this conflict has received minimal international attention.

Also on Mindanao in openDemocracy: Ron May "The quest for peace" 22 August 2007 Abhoud Syed M. Linga "Determining factors" 3 July 2007 The "next Afghanistan" During the era of the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship, demands for independence turned into a brutal separatist war. The execution of 28 Muslim military trainees in 1968 and the declaration of martial law in 1972 were catalysts for this conflict. The Tripoli Agreement was signed in 1976 to establish peace, but splinter groups emerged, including the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Abu Sayyaf group. The Abu Sayyaf group, founded by an ex-Afghan-Soviet war mujahideen, carried out a bloody campaign against Christian targets in the 1990s. Following the ousting of Joseph Estrada in 2001, Gloria Macagapal Arroyo became the next leader of southeast Asia's oligarchic system.

Her government upholds a policy of "search and destroy" against Abu Sayyaf while simultaneously pursuing peace with MILF. This approach is supported by the renewed interest of the United States in the Philippines, which has always played a significant role for Washington in the geopolitical context of the Pacific region. Following the events of 9/11, this interest has taken on an entirely new level of significance. In 2002, it was disclosed that Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, who was suspected of orchestrating the 9/11 attacks and had connections to numerous other

notable assaults, had resided in Manila and, according to Philippine authorities, had planned attacks there.

In the "war on terror," economic and military assistance focused on the southern islands of Mindanao and Sulu. This was due to the region becoming part of the second front. The links between the MNLF, MILF, Abu Sayyaf, and the Indonesian-founded Jemaah Islamayiah and al-Qaeda were investigated. To facilitate the peace process, the United States Institute of Peace was brought in. In 2005, a US embassy official in Manila labeled the region the "next Afghanistan." However, since 2003, there has been intermittent fighting and stalled peace talks. Currently, there is little hope for a meaningful resolution before Arroyo's term ends in 2011. One of the main challenges is the disputed Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) on ancestral domain. This treaty would cede territory, governance, separate community status, and international recognition to the Bangsamoro (Moro homeland). However, it was declared unconstitutional by a 2008 supreme court ruling. Additional issues include disagreements over the composition of the "peace panel," accusations of an overly sympathetic stance by Malaysia (the international mediator) toward the Moros by the Philippine government, ongoing fighting between government forces and renegade MILF forces in central Mindanao, and the reemergence of Abu Sayyaf following their capture of three Red Cross workers in January this year.Material considerations are often overlooked in the peace process, despite the numerous challenges that arise. These challenges include issues related to ethno-religious differences, suppressed Moro identity and sovereignty, and the ongoing disputes surrounding the MoA. However, one significant factor that often receives less attention is chronic poverty. It is worth noting that in the 1950s, the Philippines stood

out as the most economically developed capitalist country in southeast Asia.

Upon joining ASEAN in 1967, the Philippines was viewed as an exemplary model for its strong economy and industrial sector. Nevertheless, by the 1980s, an alarming level of inequality emerged, with the top five percent holding half of the country's total income. Unfortunately, this disparity has persisted over the years. Currently, over thirty percent of Filipinos live below the poverty line, unable to afford basic necessities. International estimates suggest that 44 percent of the population earns less than $2 per day. In a Social Protection Index released last year by the Asian Development Bank, the Philippines ranked behind its neighboring countries due to its lack of significant pro-poor targeted programs. Mark Dearn is an expert in southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region who has contributed to publications such as the Independent, Chunichi Shimbun, and the Tokyo Shimbun. His research interests include separatist conflicts, minority rights issues, and Islamist groups.

At the bottom of the poverty pile lies Minadano, known as the country's "food basket". However, Minadano has been wracked with hunger and want for almost a decade, making it the poorest of the Philippines' three major island groups. Fifty per cent of the population is below the poverty line. Additionally, all five regions of the island are among the ten poorest regions in the entire country. Within Minadano, the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is one of the two poorest regions. The rise in poverty in ARMM between 1988 and 2006 has been described by the Philippine Development Forum as "alarming". They argue that while income poverty alone does not automatically cause social unrest, combining

poverty with deprivation and injustice can lead to an explosive political situation. Alistair MacDonald, visiting head of the Delegation of the European Commission to the Philippines, stated that poverty is the root cause of conflict in Minadano. He emphasized that the low levels of basic social indicators such as health, nutrition, and education in certain parts of Mindanao should be a source of shame for the Philippines. Ultimately, development is necessary for peace to be achieved.Both he and Arroyo have adopted the perspective of "no development without peace". During her 2008 State of the Nation Address, Arroyo attributed the failure to eliminate poverty in Mindanao to the conflict, while he shares the same view.

MacDonald recommended the implementation of more government-led projects in Mindanao, stating that development cannot occur without peace. However, conflict and a resulting humanitarian disaster are currently taking place in central Mindanao. Despite this, the US Agency for International Development's project called "Growth with Equity in Mindanao" has committed a $190 million aid budget over five years until 2012. The World Bank is administering this aid. In addition to this, since October 2008, the EU has provided 10.5 million euros to Mindanao and a total of 110 million euros in the past decade. The International Crisis Group reports that there are currently 40 aid projects focused on conflict-affected communities in progress. These projects are funded by various organizations including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Sweden, and Japan. Some may doubt the possibility of development in conflict zones, but in 2007, a government spokesman acknowledged that poverty in Mindanao provides fertile grounds for recruitment.

It is not surprising that the MILF's success in targeting the unemployed

with an immediate payment of P20,000 and the promise of ongoing monthly payments has been effective. The same can be said for Abu Sayyaf's ability to recruit disillusioned young teenagers who are stuck in poverty. Despite a record GDP growth of over 7 percent in 2007, there has been an increase in poverty. Recent pronouncements by economist Monsod offer little hope due to a significant drop in merchandise export earnings, rising food prices, and projected unemployment increases for the next three years. Although the Philippines government claims that peace in Mindanao is a priority, others have doubts about their political will and President Arroyo's credibility due to corruption allegations and the 2005 electoral fraud scandal. If there truly is a lack of political will, the outlook is dire.

Arroyo claims that there can be no development without peace. However, she lacks the political will to bring about peace and alleviate the chronic poverty that plagues Mindanao. According to Gabriela Women’s Party Representative Luzviminda Ilagan, terrorism in Mindanao is initiated by the state, therefore implying that poverty in Mindanao is also caused by the Arroyo government. This statement follows President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s claim during the State of the Nation Address that her administration’s failure to alleviate poverty in Mindanao is due to the ongoing conflict in the Philippines’ second largest island. The State-declared 'war on terror' was meant to maintain peace in Mindanao but instead became a 'war of terror' aimed at protecting the financial and political interests of the US and Arroyo.

According to the solon from Davao, the leader deployed members of the military in conflict-free areas to suppress opposition against her development projects. Consequently, numerous

families were forcefully displaced in the southern region of the Philippines, causing them to leave their homes and sources of income due to fear for their lives. Small farmers expressed their frustration about constantly having to start from scratch in order to make a living. Interestingly, Mindanao, renowned as the Philippines' food basket, is reported to have six of the country's poorest provinces and experiences the highest levels of hunger nationwide. The food crisis further exacerbated the situation, leading to a record-breaking price of P50 per kilo of rice and pushing the percentage of people unable to meet their daily food requirements up to 64% this year, compared to 62% in 2007.

The rate of malnutrition among children, particularly in ARMM, increased to 35% from 31% in 1995 due to the necessity for children to skip meals. The article titled "The Cost of War in Mindanao" by Linda B. Bolido (Manila, Philippines, August 2003) highlights the involvement of a diverse group of Filipino women in the ongoing war that has divided Mindanao, the second largest island in the Philippines. The conflict on the island has been between government troops, communist forces, and secessionist groups aiming to establish an independent Islamic state.

The women, who come from different religious groups, ethnic backgrounds, and professions, did not resort to violence in their efforts. Instead, they organized a large rally to publicly demand an end to the violence. Additionally, they started several projects to encourage support for peace and put pressure on the conflicting parties to participate in negotiations. Baicon Macaraya, a law student who left his studies to volunteer at refugee centers, pointed out that poverty was previously considered

the reason for the conflict in Mindanao. However, now the war itself is the cause of poverty in Mindanao.

Whole communities in provinces with large Muslim populations, such as North Cotabato, Lanao del Sur, and Lanao del Norte, have been compelled to leave their homes and relocate to overcrowded evacuation centers or establish temporary and fragile shelters. Macaraya noted that children in these areas are being raised with the notion that violence is an unavoidable aspect of life, while many women witness their children falling victim to illness and death.

The occurrence of wars within a single country and the targeting of civilians and noncombatants is increasing globally. In the 1990s, civilians accounted for over 90 percent of the casualties caused by armed conflicts. Mindanao also experiences this trend of targeting noncombatants. Former Miss Universe Margie Moran-Floirendo, a peace campaign convenor, stated that unarmed civilians are the majority of casualties, outnumbering armed combatants. Many become victims not due to attacks from soldiers but because of the chaos caused by the fighting. War not only destroys lives and sources of income but also damages croplands, forests, water and sanitation systems, and other vital resources that support communities.

Although Mindanao is already an island facing significant environmental challenges, there are additional concerns that exacerbate the situation. Gold miners contaminate bodies of water by utilizing mercury to process ores. Moreover, deforestation contributes to severe flooding in several regions of the island during the monsoon season. Additionally, the depletion of forest cover poses a threat to various species, including the endangered Philippine eagle, which happens to be the largest eagle in the world. World Resources 2002 – 2004, a recent report published

by the World Resources Institute (WRI), reveals that environmental destruction often compounds the hardships experienced by civilians caught in the midst of conflicts.

According to the report, governments that are democratic, transparent, and accountable are more likely to make favorable decisions for the environment. Conversely, areas with a lack of good governance and environmental decision-making often experience frequent outbreaks of war. Joji Bian, a member of the Mindanao Business Council and a mother of three, emphasized that the business sector has consistently supported peace. She highlighted the negative impact of war on business due to the creation of an atmosphere characterized by insecurity and fear.

"In addition to the immediate threats and destruction caused by war, damage to social networks and natural resources often hampers communities' recovery after fighting ends," states the WRI report. Despite war's brutality, death, and deprivation, the report emphasizes that the environment's destruction, along with the erosion of democracy and informed decision-making, can perpetuate human suffering for years, undermining social progress and economic stability.

In Mindanao, women have united in response to these risks, forming the advocacy group Mothers for Peace. Their objective is to bring an end to the conflict and protect more children from becoming war victims.

According to WRI Features, a peaceful resolution to the fighting in Mindanao would have a positive impact on the environment, although many people may not realize it. The article is 660 words long.

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