The protection of womens rights in Armenia Essay
Make the CEDAW and the CEDAW Committee contribute to the protection of Women ‘s Rights in Armenia?
Equal rights for adult females have a long history in Armenian society. Many ancient Armenian legal codifications and fundamental laws were protective of adult females ‘s rights. These have included ancient commissariats against domestic force, regulations against forced matrimonies and the publicity of just division of belongings. In add-on, adult females have been political and military leaders throughout Armenian history. In 1918, Armenian adult females were members of the national parliament – at a clip when adult females in the United States still did non hold the right to vote.
While Armenian adult females today are mostly accorded equal legal rights with work forces, their de facto position is rather different. The undermentioned essay will measure Armenia ‘s conformity with internationally recognized criterions of gender equality, as outlined in the Convention on the Elimination of all signifiers of Discrimination Against Women ( CEDAW ) .
Armenia was the first democracy of the former Soviet Union to declare its independency, in 1991. In 1993, Armenia acceded to the U.N. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women ( CEDAW ) without reserve and submitted its first periodic study in 1995. Armenia ‘s 2nd periodic study was submitted in 1999 and is scheduled to be reviewed by the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women in Fall, 2002.
CEDAW was opened for signature in 1979, and since so has been adopted by 169 states. CEDAW espouses values and legal duties for adult females ‘s homo rights which, because of the pact ‘s widespread acceptance around the universe, have become cosmopolitan. They are non characteristic of the imposts, traditions or values of any one peculiar set of states, but alternatively are basic dogmas of equality which have been adopted by the universe community.
The Convention consists of 16 substantial articles which span the spectrum of concerns for adult females ‘s human rights. These include political representation, instruction, wellness attention, economic rights, rural adult females ‘s concerns, employment, and marriage/family dealingss. Many of the topics addressed by the pact are countries of concern for both work forces and adult females in Armenia. It should be noted that concentrating attending on conformity with CEDAW and adult females ‘s human rights does non intend that work forces do non besides suffer from the failure of the Armenian wellness attention system, for illustration, or that they are non besides entitled to safe workplaces. Most of the countries of concern which are elaborated on in this essay would, if addressed, better the quality of life of all people in Armenia.
I support the thought that by submiting to the Convention without reserve, the Republic of Armenia has voluntarily obligated itself to follow with all of the demands and enterprises which CEDAW imposes on States Parties. These include non merely measures to extinguish and forestall favoritism, but besides proactive steps designed to advance equality between work forces and adult females and to alter the civilization of gender in signatory provinces.
As the CEDAW Secretariat wrote, “ The Convention is non confined to the regard of equal rights per Se, since these are guaranteed under the International Convention on Social and Cultural Rights. Rather, its intent is to guarantee the equal enjoyment of these rights. The Convention therefore is conceived as an affirmatory action plan requiring steps by States Parties to guarantee that internationally recognized human rights are every bit applied to adult females. ”
I hope that this papers will be helpful to the authorities of Armenia, nongovernmental organisations, international organisations, and single citizens ( both work forces and adult females ) , to measure and better equality between work forces and adult females in Armenia.
Armenia is a society rife with contradictions. While adult females make up the huge bulk of those involved in the nongovernmental sector and societal motions, they are badly under-represented in political relations. In malice of the fact that adult females are better educated and tend to achieve higher degrees of instruction, they are more likely than work forces to be underemployed. While adult females make money for the household and supply the basic support for the household, they are non considered “ breadwinners ” or caputs of families. While adult females know and understand that they are discriminated against, they still perpetuate such favoritism against other adult females and misss. This takes topographic point within the household, without resort to the legal system ; furthermore, many adult females socialize their ain kids to accept and perpetuate these forms.
I think this presents an interesting context in which to measure conformity with CEDAW, as Armenia is able to indicate to great achievements with regard to adult females ‘s enfranchisement ( most specifically in literacy rates and high degrees of instruction ) , and yet can besides be justifiably criticized for its deficiency of battle in altering public attitudes and facing the stereotypes which, in pattern, inhibit adult females ‘s chances in about all domains of life.
Armenia is presently undergoing a peculiarly ambitious period of passage that has been marked by economic turbulence, military struggle, natural catastrophe, mass out-migration, widespread corruptness and deep public demoralisation. This period has had a peculiarly hard impact on adult females as they have been challenged by the economic and political passages, the ways in which legal reform has technically included them and yet de facto discriminated against them, and the deep de facto divide which has emerged between the urban centres and the rural countries. The CEDAW Assessment must be viewed in visible radiation of all of these challenges.
It is of import to observe that there are hopeful marks as good. There are a turning figure of nongovernmental organisations committed to bettering the lives and position of adult females in Armenia. The NGO community is doing attempts to make full in some of the spreads that the State has been unable or unwilling to make full, in such countries as generative wellness instruction, leading and political preparation and domestic force work. As they grow in figure and edification, the work of NGOs is going progressively of import in the halls of authorities and in the lives of single Armenians.
The combination of factors have had of import deductions for the development of civil society, democratic societal consciousness, and the execution of Armenia ‘s duties under the Convention for the Elimination of all signifiers of Discrimination Against Women. They place even greater importance on educating and authorising adult females about their rights and the rules of CEDAW.
The mean Armenian ‘s apprehension of the construct of “ favoritism ” does non follow with the definition promulgated in CEDAW. Average Armenians understand favoritism as a basic unfairness and a negative thing, but they do non tie in the term with gender or, if so, they define it in really benign ways. They frequently entirely associate it to racial favoritism. At the same clip, most Armenians agree that work forces and adult females should be treated every bit.
For illustration, when asked whether there is favoritism in Armenia, most people will state that there is no favoritism. However, when adult females are asked if they have of all time been fired from a occupation, many will state yes. Some will besides state that they were fired because they were adult females. They will explicate, nevertheless, that that is non favoritism because “ it is more of import to give a adult male a occupation than a adult female, because the adult male supports his household. ”
Following consideration of Armenia ‘s first periodic study to the CEDAW Committee of the United Nations ( “ the Committee ” ) in 1997, the Committee cited seven chief countries of concern sing Armenia ‘s attempts to extinguish favoritism against adult females. They were:
aˆ? The absence of a specific national organic structure devoted to the promotion of adult females and the riddance of favoritism against adult females ;
aˆ? The high rates of unemployment for adult females and the deficiency of any authorities steps aimed at making employment chances for adult females ;
aˆ? Violence against adult females ;
aˆ? The paternalistic, restrictive labour Torahs which resulted in restrictions on adult females ‘s employment chances ;
aˆ? The deficiency of policies and plans to vouch societal security benefits to adult females who work in the informal sector ;
aˆ? The increased figure of commercial sex workers ( CSWs ) and deficiency of entree to wellness services for CSWs ; and
aˆ? The possible hereafter inauspicious effects on adult females ‘s wellness from the wellness attention denationalization strategies.
In the five old ages which have ensued since the Committee made its recommendations, few of these issues have been addressed, and, in some instances, the state of affairs has gotten worse.
Nongovernmental organisations have published a assortment of studies, studies and analyses of the state of affairs of adult females in Armenia which have attempted to document the demands of adult females. Many of these studies have been conducted with support from the United Nations and other international organisations.
Armenia has ratified a figure of of import international conventions on the betterment of adult females ‘s state of affairs in society. These include CEDAW, the Convention on Equal Remuneration of Work, the Convention on Discrimination in the Labor Field and Employment, the Convention on Citizenship of a Married Woman, and the Convention on Discrimination in Education. Ratification of the Convention on Women ‘s Political Engagement is presently being debated in the National Assembly. No Ombudsman exists, although a bill of exchange jurisprudence is presently pending to make one
It is of import to observe that quotas or other impermanent particular steps entirely are non plenty. In the Soviet epoch, adult females benefited from high degrees of political representation at all degrees of authorities because of nationally mandated quotas for representation. When these quotas were lifted after independency, adult females ‘s representation in political relations and untraditional employment domains plummeted, bespeaking that, despite decennaries of particular steps designed to advance adult females ‘s enfranchisement in such functions, negative public attitudes and stereotypes remained.
In my sentiment the discrimintion of adult females rights in Armenia is complicated. But bit-by-bit adult females ‘s rights become more equal to the work forces ‘s rights, non merely de jure ( as it is by the Constitution of Armenia ) , but de facto every bit good.
“ In general, there are a batch of international pacts on protection of adult females ‘s rights. However, due to economic and legal barriers [ in Armenia ] , adult females do non, in world, have good possibilities for protecting their rights. The authorities does non carry through its duties. You will ne’er see a individual international pact in tribunals, since we are used to trusting on local statute law. No adult female will travel to tribunal and claim her right under Article X of CEDAW. A state can non work out jobs related to adult females ‘s rights after an temblor, war, economic crisis. However, it would be incorrect to province that the authorities does non make anything. The mere fact that we signed the Convention means a batch. ” 4
“ Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against WomenAdopted and opened for signature, confirmation and accession by General Assemblyresolution 34/180 of 18 December 1979entry into force 3 September 1981, in conformity with article 27 ( 1 ) ” .